BULL. 30] 



KINSHIP 



695 



lineal and some collateral; at the same 

 time, with the exception of uncles, lie had 

 the same relationships outside of his clan, 

 and fathers, aunts, sons and daughters, 

 and cousins, in addition. A woman had 

 the same relationships in the clan as a 

 man, and in addition sons and daugh- 

 ters; and at the same time she had the 

 same relationships outside of her clan as 

 had the man. 



In certain communities there are terms 

 in use applied to polyandrous and polygy- 

 nous marriage relations. For instance, in 

 Klamath the term p^tceke^p denotes ( 1 ) the 

 relationship of the two or more wives of a 

 man, and (2) the relationship of two or 

 more men (who may be brothers) who 

 marry sisters or a single woman among 

 them. And in the Cree the term v't'ai/ini, 

 employed by both men and women; signi- 

 fies 'my (sexual) partner' ; for example, 

 a wife will apply this term to the cowife of 

 the husband or husbands; and the term 

 nikusdk is applied by one man to another 

 with whom he shares a wife or wives, or 

 to whom he has loaned his own wife. 

 This term is employed also as a term of 

 friendship among men. 



The distinction between one's own 

 father and mother and the other persons 

 so called was sometimes marked by the 

 use of an explanatory adjective, 'real,' 

 'true,' or the like; sometimes by calling 

 all the others 'little fathers' or 'little 

 mothers. ' 



The following chart, which applies es- 

 pecially to the Haida, may be taken as 

 typical of a two-clan system with female 

 descent, self being male: 



Omi of Self 



Mother 



Elder 

 brothers 



Self 



Younger 

 tirothers 



Sisters 



Nephews 

 nieceuS 



Uncles 

 (linsbands 

 of aunts, 

 who be- 

 come 

 fathers-in- 

 law of self 



and of 

 l)rothers) 



In paternal succession analogous series 

 of terms of relationship develop. 



The persons belonging to one's own 

 clan being accounted blood relations, 

 marriage with any of them was not per- 

 mitted, and where there were many clans 

 this prohibition usually extended to the 

 father's clan alsi). After marriage, terms 

 of affinity c(jrresponding to 'father-in- 

 law,' 'mother-in-law,' ' l)rother-in-law,' 

 and 'sister-in-law,' were applied not 

 only to persons who could be so desig- 

 nated in English, but to all members 

 of the same clans of corresponding age 

 and sex as well. Where there were but 

 two clans the terms of affinity might be 

 applied to those who had previously been 



known as uncles, aunts, uncles' chil- 

 dren, nephews, and nieces, as indicated 

 in the above table. 



Where clans did not exist blood rela- 

 tionship was recognized on both sides as 

 far as the connection could be remem- 

 bered, and marriage with any person 

 within this circle was, generally speaking, 

 less usual than with one entirely outside, 

 though such marriages were not every- 

 where prohibited, and in some cases 

 were actually preferred. There was the 

 same custom, however, of extending the 

 terms of relationship to groups of indi- 

 viduals, such as the brothers of one's 

 father, and the sisters of one's mother. 

 Among the Salish tribes .of British Co- 

 lumbia, who appear to have had a special 

 fondness for recording genealogies, the 

 number of terms of relationship is very 

 greatly increased. Thus four or even five 

 generations back of that of the parents 

 and lielow that of the children are marked 

 by distinct terms, and there are distin- 

 guishing terms for the first, second, third, 

 and youngest child, and for the uncle, 

 aunt, etc., according as one's father, 

 mother, or other relative through whom 

 the relationship exists is living or dead, 

 and different terms for a living and a 

 dead wife. There are thus 25 terms of 

 relationship among the Lillooet, 28 among 

 the Shuswap, and 31 among the Squaw- 

 mish. By way of illustration, the kin- 

 ship system of the last-mentioned tribe 

 is subjoined (see Boas in Rep. on N. W. 

 Tribes of Can., 136, 1890): 



I. Direct relationship. Haukweyuk, 

 great-great-great grandparent or great- 



Oppoaite (Han or Clans 



Aunts 

 (mother-in-law) 



Fathers (of self, 

 brothers, si.iters) 



Aunts or uncles' Male cDUsins 



children (from whom come 



^from whom come sisters' liusbands) 

 wife, brothers' wives) 



sons and daugliters 



great-great grandchild; tsopeyiik, great- 

 great-grandparent or great-great-grand- 

 child; sttfhaiiiik, great-grandparent or 

 great-grandchild; seel, grandfather, grand- 

 mother, great-uncle, or great-aunt; emafs, 

 grandchild, grandnephew, or grandniece; 

 man, father; chisha, mother; men, child; 

 seen/^, eldest child ;ouoHtote/(, second child; 

 menchecMt, third child; saut, youngest 

 child; kupkuopiU, brothers, sisters, and 

 cousins together; kuopits, elder brother 

 or sister, or father's or mother's elder 

 brother's or sister's child; skak, younger 

 brother or sister, or father's or mother's 

 younger brother' s or sister' s child ; snchoitl, 

 cousin. 



2. Indirect relationship, (a) When 



