696 



KINTECAW KINTPUASH 



[b. a. e. 



the intermediate relative is alive: sisi, 

 father's or mother's brother or sister; 

 staeatl, brother' s or sister' s child ; chemash, 

 wife's or husband's cousin, brother, or 

 sister; or cousin's brother's or sister's wife 

 or husband; saak, son-in-law, daughter- 

 in-law, father-in-law, or mother-in-law; 

 skueivas, any relative of a husband or wife. 

 (b) When the intermediate relative is 

 dead: uotsaeqoltl, father's or mother's 

 brother or sister; snuiemaitl, brother's 

 or sister's child; cluiiae, wife's or hus- 

 band's cousin, brother, or sister, or 

 cousin's brother's or sister's wife or hus- 

 band; slikoaitl, son-in-law, daughter-in- 

 law, father-in-law, or mother-in-law. 



3. Indirectaffinity. >Si-.sfe/, wife's grand- 

 father or grandmother, or stepfather's or 

 stepmother's father or mother; skaman, 

 aunt's husband or stepfather; skechisha, 

 uncle's wife or stepmother; skemen, step- 

 child; skemats, grandson's or granddaugh- 

 ter's wife or husband; skesaak, wife's or 

 husband's stepfather or stepmother, or 

 stepchild's husband or wife. 



It will be noted that many of these are 

 reciprocal terms, and such were very 

 common in Indian kinship systems, used 

 between persons of different generations, 

 as above, or sometimes between persons 

 of opposite sex of the same generation, 

 such as husband and wife. Out of 14 

 terms in Klamath and Modoc 11 are 

 reciprocal. On the other hand, per- 

 sons of different sexes will often indicate 

 the same relative, such as a father or a 

 mother, by entirely different terms, and 

 different terms are applied to those of a 

 person's own phratry and to members of 

 the opposite one, while the Iruquois use 

 the equivalent for 'brother' for persons 

 inside and outside the tribe indiscrim- 

 inately. In all tribes, no matter how 

 organized, a distinction is made between 

 the elder and the younger members of 

 the generation of self, at least between 

 older and younger members of the same 

 sex. 



The terms corresponding to 'grand- 

 father' and 'grandmother,' except among 

 a few peoples, like the Salish, were ex- 

 tended to all those of a generation older 

 than that of the parents and sometimes 

 even to persons of that generation, while 

 the term for 'grandchild' was applied 

 to very young people by old ones quite 

 indiscriminately. There were also terms 

 to indicate the potential relationship of 

 husband and wife, applied by a man to 

 his wife's sisters, his aunt, or his niece, 

 not because she was or had been, but be- 

 cause she might become, his wife, as usu- 

 ally happens to the wife's sister after the 

 wife's death. 



Besides the natural import of terms of 

 kinship, they were employed metaphor- 

 ically in a great number of ways, as to 



indicate respect, to avoid the use of a 

 man's personal name, to indicate the clan 

 or ])hratry to which a person belonged, 

 or to indicate the possession of special 

 privileges. Naturally enough, they often 

 took the place of clan or even tribal des- 

 ignations, a fact which undoubtedly has 

 led to serious errors in attempts to trace 

 the history of Indian tribes. Again, they 

 were applied to animals or supernatural 

 beings, and with the Haida this use was 

 intended to mark the fact that the being 

 in question belonged to such and such a 

 phratry or that a representation of it was 

 used as a crest in that phratry. As this 

 classification of animals by phratries or 

 clans is often traced back to the inter- 

 marriage of a human being and an animal, 

 we have an extension of the idea of kin- 

 ship quite beyond any civilized concep- 

 tions. See Ckm and Gens, Family, Social 

 Organization. (j. n. b. h. j. r. s. ) 



Kintecaw, Kintecoy, Eiute Eaye, Kin- 

 ticka. See Cavtico. 



Kintpuash ('having the water-brash' — 

 Gatschet; also spelled - Keintpoos, but 

 commonly known as Captain Jack). A 

 subchief of the Modoc on the Oregon- 

 California border, and leader of the hos- 

 tile element in the Modoc war of 1872-73. 



The Modoc, a warlike and aggressive 

 offshoot from the Klamath tribe of s. e. 

 Oregon, occupied the territory immedi- 

 ately to the s. of the latter, extending 

 across the California border and includ- 

 ing the Lost r. country and the famous 

 Lava-bed region. They had been par- 

 ticularly hostile to the whites up to 1864, 

 when, under the head chief Sconchin, 

 they made a treaty agreeing to go upon a 

 reservation established on Upper Kla- 

 math lake jointly for them and the Kla- 

 math tribe. The treaty remained unrati- 

 fied for several years, and in the mean- 

 time Jack, with a dissatisfied band num- 

 bering nearly half the tribe and including 

 about 70 fighting men, continued to rove 

 about the Lost r. country, committing 

 frequent depredations and terrorizing the 

 settlers. He claimed as his authority for 

 remaining, in spite of the treaty, a per- 

 mission given by an Indian agent on the 

 California side. With some difficulty he 

 was finally induced in the spring of 1870 

 to go with his band upon the reservation, 

 where the rest of the tribe was already 

 established under Sconchin. He re- 

 mained but a short time, however, and 

 soon left after killing an Indian doctor, 

 who, he said, was responsible for two 

 deaths in his own family. He returned 

 to Lost r. demanding that a reservation 

 be assigned to him there on the ground 

 that it was his home country and that it 

 was impossible to live on friendly terms 

 with the Klamath. One or two confer- 

 ences were arranged both by the military 



