MICHELSON. ] LINGUISTIC NOTES. 283 
Indian Languages,! and Bull. 72, pp. 68-72, should also be consulted, 
as well as the linguistic notes on other texts contained in this volume. 
§ 13. Treatment of w before the locative suffix -g**, After a 
vowel w is lost, nenigi’-megu “‘as a man,’’ 230.8, as contrasted with 
neniw’* “man.’”’ When preceded by a consonant the w becomes u 
(uwa’nagog! of Jones is an error for uwanagug*'’); compare also 
American Anthropologist, n. s. 15, 472. It should be added that 
terminal “° and 1° of singular animate and inanimate nouns respec- 
tively do not occur in the locative singular: the forms are wrongly 
discussed in the sketch. 
§ 13. Treatment of w before the vocative suffix -tig** (-tige). 
After a vowel w is lost: ine’nitig** “O men,” 128.22, 23, i“ kwatig**'““O 
women,’ 128.23 (i kwiw** ‘“woman’’). Thesame thing has happened 
in Cree, as can be seen from Lacombe. 
§ 20. Note on-ka-. There is a use of --ka- not mentioned in the 
sketch which is exemplified by a couple of instances in the texts: 
ne’po'kiiww** “he had a death in his family,’ 148.11; a’ kwamata’mo- 
‘kiw** “his family has a sickness,’’ 150.31, 32 (for -amo-, see below). 
That this formation is old is shown by Algonkin nepokedjik “les 
parents du mort” (quoted from Cuoq), a participial. 
§ 20. Treatment of nouns before -‘ki-. In composition with -‘ka- 
animate and inanimate nouns lose terminal -“° and -' respectively; 
when consonantal clusters foreign to the genius of the language would 
thereby occur e is inserted: see § 8 near the end. But if the noun 
ends in a vowel followed by -w**’, the w is lost also. An example is 
i‘pe’na kié%tc’’ “he hunted for turkeys,” 52.20, as compared with 
peniw™’ “turkey” (cf. 52.19, 21). Itshould be noted that although 
A‘peniiwen™* “disease”? combines with -'ka-, yet in this combination 
the 4 behaves like the & in pyiw™ ‘‘he, she comes,” etc., and not 
like the & of ordinary stems in 4: A‘peniwene’ka’gwii ‘igi ‘whosoever 
may have the disease,” 176.24, 25, and agwi kina’na kiigd’‘i wi'i‘ci- 
‘a‘peniwene kai’yagwin™’ “‘we shall not be affected in any way by 
the disease,’’ 176.23, 24, --kaiy- is phonetic for -ka+y-). For -w**’ 
preceded by a consonant observe nenu'su' ki’w"** “he is on a buffalo- 
hunt” as contrasted with nenu’s™’ ‘“‘buffalo, cattle.” That the phe- 
nomenon is old is made clear by the fact that it also occurs in Ojibwa, 
though largely disguised owing to the phonetics of that language. 
Examples from Jones’s texts are kigama‘ku‘kimin ‘“‘we shall have 
bear to eat’’ (ma‘kwa “‘bear’’); wiyasi'kiwat ‘they had meat’ 
(wiyas ‘‘meat’’). 
§ 20. Use of -gii-. A couple of times -gi- occurs in a usage that is 
not quite clear: wi nAtawine tama’giiyani “you might cause them to be 
killed,’ 154.27-28 (for -ami-, see below), ii'me'sinetama’giyag*we’ 
“we have gotten good from it,” 190.8. Contrast these with i*me- 
1 Bur. Amer, Ethn., Bull. 40, part 1. 
