MICHELSON.] LINGUISTIC NOTES. 287 
inanimate given in the sketch. [The passage had to be omitted in 
printing owing to some patent errors. ] 
§ 41. Indefinite passive: potential subjunctive mode. There are 
a few cases in these texts showing such a formation exists as they are 
introduced by awi’t**. The terminations are evidently -imi‘a, 
-neni A, -ni'a° for the first, second, and third person singular respec- 
tively: awi’ta kig6d/‘(i) ici ni’na nene‘kine’mini‘* ‘I would not be 
thought of in any way,” 192.29 [loose composition; the other ele- 
ments are kigd’**, ici, ni/n’“*, nene’ki, ‘ine, m], awi’t alyo’‘i pyiine’- 
na'*" “you (sing.) would not have been brought here,” 80.26 [other 
elements pyi,n; e to prevent -nn-], awi’tapi nana c ‘a’ca’menii ** “it 
is said that he never would be fed,” 230.20, 21 [‘a‘ca, m (not ‘a‘cam as 
in the sketch, in my transcription) ; e to prevent-mn-]. Anexample not 
introduced by awita is ponime’eupi kigd”ane’menii'(a) “he would 
cease being thought anything of,’ 250.39 [loose composition; ele- 
ments poni, megu, pi; rest explained]. 
§ 41. A novel participial of the independent passive. Though not 
mentioned in the sketch a participial in -eta corresponding to the con- 
junctive -e%tci, quite regular in formation, is found. However a 
participial of novel formation is also found, e. ¢., wi wapama’‘sutcigi 
“they who will be looked at,’ 180.13. The syllable -su- at once 
recalls the middle voice, but -a- is not clear. (See Bull. 72, Bur. 
Amer. Ethn., p. 69.) 
§ 41. A formation with -ganiwi-. A couple of examples of this 
novel formation are in the texts: a’ke'tcininetagani’wiwa"te™ “they 
are thought of a great deal,” 276.36; pemendgani’wiwagi ‘“‘they 
were cared for,” 280.6. The analysis of the first example is i—wa- 
4tei, § 29; ke'tci, § 16; n, § 8; Ane, § 18; t, § 37; the combination 
-ineta has been met above in the g6 passive withsi, at, and corresponds 
to Ojibwa and Algonkin -enenda-, eninda- respectively, Cree -eyitta- 
(tipeyittakusiw ‘“‘ilest digne de posséder,”’ from Lacombe), Montagnais 
-clita- (see Lemoine, Grammaire, p. 53); it is also found in a peculiar 
passive tepiinetataé’w' (in my transcription) “it was owned,” Jones’s 
Fox Texts at 34.1 (tii-, § 20; -w,§ 28). So that it is an old com- 
bination. It is clear that the -a- of the second example is the same as 
in the first; hence the preceding -n- must be the instrumental particle 
which has become merely formal in value; for the verbal stem see 
Jones’s Kickapoo Tales, 94.21; -wagi is the pronominal element, § 28. 
Algonkin has a formation that corresponds to -gAniwi-: see Cuoq, 
Grammaire, § 205; and it is evident that both Cree and Montagnais 
have a similar formation. I do not know how wi'a‘ckwi wiina‘ina- 
5 On further investigation it would seem that the forms for the first and second persons are constructed 
nearly as in a transitive verb with thethird person singular animate as subject and first and second person 
singular respectively as objects; and that form of theintransitive third person singular animate should be 
given as -eni‘a -uni'a (cf. -e¢tci -udtci). 
