496 FOX MORTUARY CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS. [ETH. ANN. 40, 
476.38. At 480.9 an equally anomalous formation, namely, the com- 
bination of -‘si- followed by -nu- (which see in the list of stems) occurs. 
At 384.13-14 wi%tci'ci' tcigaiwe’niwig*' is found. In some way it 
seems related in formation to the passive in -iiweniwi- mentioned 
above; but also to the auxiliary -gii-. See u-, ici- [thus], -gii- in the 
list of stems. The meaning is, roughly, why it is done. 
At 424.23 and 426.24 a peculiar morphological element -amwi- is 
found. This is clearly derived from -am- which occurs so frequently 
as the objective pronoun of the third person inanimate. Evidently 
the -wi- is the same as in kigiinwi- and a*tcimwi- (see kigdinwi- in the 
list of stems). 
There is an apparent breach of concordance at 400.16 Note that 
winwa’wa is used in place of wi’na. 
An English loan-word i’*tcinag*'* Indians, with the termination 
-ag” as proper in the animate plural nouns, occurs at 398.20. 
We now come to a few words which are purely rhetorical: me’ tegwi- 
ne’niwag*'* trees (for me‘tegdn™'), 464.19; kiydtine’niwagi snakes 
(for manetowagi), 486.5; kemii‘ci’“emagi your brother-in-laws (for 
ki tawagi), 446.4. Reverential rather than purely rhetorical is nete’- 
‘kwaiyom™ my sister (for netekwim™") at 420.10, 420.14, 420.18 
and kete’kwaiyo’menan™® our sister (for kete‘kwimenan™') at 
410.13-14. At 468.3 neto‘kwaiyo’menan™ is simply a rhetorical 
form. 
The modern form of ne‘kani (424.8), na‘kani is to be found at 424.4. 
At 476.2829 a grammatical anomaly, wi ke'tciminawinawiime'a’- 
penigi, is found. Though the general sense of the entire passage is 
clear as well as the analysis of most of this particular word, I have 
failed to unravel the posterior portion. Similarly, I have not been 
able to work out the detailed analysis of & pwawimegunana’'i ka’- 
wii'ig* at 428.43, though here again most of the word is abundantly 
clear in structure. 
Other linguistic help will be found in the section dealing with the 
list of stems. 
