LIST OF STEMS. 
The following is a practically exhaustive list of all verbal stems 
which occur in the preceding texts. As a matter of course 1 have 
included what must be regarded as verbal stems from the Fox point 
of view, whether or not they are from the English standpoint. A 
few nominal stems are included for convenience. The reader should 
be familiar with Fox phonetic shifts before attempting to use this 
list for a stem is ordinarily only given in its original form so far as 
this can be determined.! 
In some cases the material contained in the Indian texts of this 
volume is not sufficient to do this. In such cases I have relied on 
my general knowledge of Fox, some grammatical notes on the texts 
obtained almost exclusively from Harry Lincoln (see pp. 27, 295, 
1 | herewith give succinctly (not in detail) the most important phonetic shifts which are not in the gram- 
matical sketch of Fox contained in the Handbook of American Indian Languages (Bull. 40, B. A. E.). 
Among the following are some important additions to those given by me, p. 72 of Bull. 72, B. A. E., as well 
as some modifications of those rules: the initial 4 of A'ckutawi “‘ fire’? becomes 6 when combined with the 
possessive pronouns; the same is true of a few other words: in the case of A'ki ‘‘earth, land,’ when the pos- 
sessive pronouns are used forms with both 4 and 6 occur but with a slightly different meaning; the forms 
with 6 refer to a bigger plot of ground; i becomes e¢ if the preceding syllable of a different morphological unit 
contains e; it becomes e if the following syllable of a different morphological unit contains a;it becomes eif 
the preceding or following syllable of a different morphological unit contains a; it becomes e when imme- 
diately followed by the instrumental particles -n- ‘‘ by the hand,” -‘ckaw- -'‘ck- ‘‘ by the foot,”’ -‘cw- -‘c- ‘‘ with 
something sharp,” -‘sw--‘s- ‘‘by heat,’’ even when they are conventionalin meaning; as well as whenimme- 
diately preceding the copula -‘si-; i becomes 7 when accented and immediately followed by y or w as wellas 
on the penult when followed by w;it also becomes 7 when immediately followed by the instrumental par- 
ticle -kaw--‘k-; it seems to become e before the instrumental particle -‘taw- -'t-; the combination -iwa-, where 
the dis not in the same unit as the 7, and where the w and darein the same unit, becomes -owd-; the combi- 
nation -wi- between consonants becomes -u- (d- also) under the conditions whereby i normally becomes e; 
i apparently becomes 4 as the effect of vocalic harmony in some cases, though the exact conditions can not 
at present be definitely stated; it becomes 4 before the instrumental particle -‘w- -'-; it also becomes a 
apparently by dissimilation in a few cases; before the inanimate copula -d-, -gi- becomes -gy-; -pi- -py-; -'si- 
‘siy-, while -4fci- loses its i; e becomes u before -gw- if the eis not on the penult; o becomes w before 
an immediately following -pw-, -gw-, -4ici", -t4", -te'; o becomes 6 before -wa or -'4; the wu of ugimawA 
‘chief’? appears as 6 when possessive pronouns are used; before -m- of the possessives, -w- and -y- 
disappear; wu becomes o before -m- under ill-defined conditions; -wA- between consonants becomes 6 for 
the most part; -ewi'- becomes -i'-; -w- after consonants and immediately followed by w or dis lost; tho 
numerals ni‘cwi ‘‘two,’’ ne‘swi ‘‘three,’’ nyadnanwi “‘five,’’ and tA‘swi ‘‘number”’ in iteratives (that is 
combined with -en-), and when they are made into animate intransitive verbs; moreover, in the last 
case lA‘swi appears as tA‘ci; the combination -aw- becomes -d- before an immediately following n, y, w, 
dtc, t (in final syllables), -@- before immediately following g and ¢ (normally), terminally -u';in the combi- 
nation of stems -a@ 4- becomes -d-; similarly -a@ 0- becomes -dyd-; -d A- under these conditions becomes -d-; 
-d e- under like conditions apparently becomes -e-; -yA- between consonants becomes -yd-; nm becomes ‘c 
before i, which is a new morphological unit; under like conditions ¢ and s become dtc and ‘c, respectively; 
the combination ny when not in the same unit becomes n; nouns lose part of their word-forming elements 
before the suffixes of the locative (singular and plural), and vocative plural; this applies to possessed nouns 
as well. There is at present evidence that many of the shifts given above likewise occur in several Algon- 
quian languages; and in some cases are undoubtedly proto-Algonquian. See also below, pp. 617, 618. 
616 
