182 THE WINNEBAGO TKIBE [bth. axn. 37 



names were first applied to the larger divisions, whereas a number of 

 facts speak strongly in favor of the reverse. In no case, for instance, 

 can it be shown that the two divisions, per se, have any functions 

 except that of regidating marriage. The various political and cere- 

 monial functions displayed pertain to the subdivisions composing 

 them. Owing to the massing together of a number of such functions 

 on each side, we often obtain the impression that these belong to the 

 larger unit, as such. And indeed this may be said to be true at the 

 present time, in so far as the functions of one subdivision have be- 

 come identified with the larger unit. All that we wish to point out 

 here is that the names of the two divisions may be different, and that 

 they may connote different ideas in the different divisions of an 

 historically related culture, due to specific historical development 

 within each. Among the Dhegiha there seem to be a number of reasons 

 for assuming that the present names of the two divisions are not the 

 historically primary ones. 



It is far more difficult to discuss the names of the subdivisions or 

 "gentes" within the two larger divisions. From a comparative 

 point of view it must be regarded as significant that the names of the 

 subdivisions within the Tciwere tribes tally almost exactly with 

 those of the Winnebago and that those of the Dhegiha tribes tally 

 with the names of many of the two latter, although they possess, in 

 addition, a large number not found among them. The Tciwere and 

 Winnebago have animal appellations for their clans, the Dhegiha 

 have animal appellations plus a type of designation descriptive of 

 animal taboo. Which of the two types is the older it is difficult to 

 say. This fact might be noted, however, that the animal names 

 have, to a large extent, been forgotten and that the descriptive 

 taboo appellations have not; that in a number of cases there is some 

 reason for believing that these animal appellations have been re- 

 interpreted and in other cases replaced by nonanimal designations; 

 that the origin myths of these divisions always explain why a certain 

 animal is associated with a subdivision, and rarely the origin of the 

 taboo name; and lastly, that the majority of personal names are 

 strictly comparable to the clan names of the Winnebago and the 

 Tciwere. On the other hand, the descriptive taboo type of name is 

 found frequently among the band appellations of the Plains Indians, 

 with whom the Omaha had come into intimate contact and by whom 

 they had been influenced along definite lines of ceremonial and social 

 development. For these reasons we would like to suggest that the 

 animal appellations are historically primary and that the taboo type 

 became subsequently popular and spread over the whole tribe. 

 Examples of changes in the names of subdivisions are by no means 

 isolated. The Winnebago exhibit a tendency to substitute names 

 indicative of the function of a clan for the old animal names — and this 



