184 THE WINNEBAGO TKIBE [bth. ANN. 37 



of impressing its name upon the whole division, we do not doubt 

 for a moment. Other reasons may have led to the designation of 

 the other half by the name of one of its component clans. 



Similarly, among the Ponca, the Wajaje half corresponds to the 

 Wajaje clan, the keepers of the sacred pipe; and among the Osage, 

 the Tciju and the Hanga divisions of one side, and the Wajaje divi- 

 sions of the other, correspond to the clans with the same name that 

 are associated with important ceremonial-political functions. On 

 the other hand, we have the fact that among the Kansa the names 

 of the two large divisions are distinct from any of the clans in those 

 divisions, and the same is true for the Tciju division of the Ponca. 

 If we correlate this last fact with the apparent absence of any 

 association of important ceremonial or political functions with specific 

 clans, the suggestion might be permitted that no incentive existed 

 in the minds of these people for the clan becoming identified with the 

 larger divisions. Among the Winnebago the names for the divisions 

 are quite different from those of the clans composing them, but at the 

 present time the fact that the clan in each division has definite func- 

 tions and powers has reacted on the interpretation of the social 

 organization, and it is quite customary to refer to one half as Jiuyk 

 or '"chiefs," and to the other as manap'e or "soldiers," although the 

 latter is not common. 



In short, we have a right to see, in all the facts mentioned, indi- 

 cations of a possible historical development whose characteristics 

 seem to lie in the identification of the name and function of an impor- 

 tant clan with that of a much larger division. 



The Winnebago social organization has long since broken down, 

 but its details are still so well preserved in the minds of the older 

 men, and particularly in the literature of the tribe, that no difficulty 

 was experienced in reconstructing it. This reconstruction, however, 

 does not enable us to determine the relation of the clan and dichoto- 

 mous division to the distribution of the tribe over the large area once 

 occupied in Wisconsin. That the 4,000-odd individuals composing the 

 tribe at the advent of the whites lived together is extermely doubtful. 

 The nature of the woodlands of Wisconsin and the fairly extensive 

 territory over which the Winnebago were found scattered not long 

 after Nicolet's first visit are facts that practically exclude such a 

 hypothesis. The myth that speaks of a village that at one tune 

 was so long that those living at one end did not know what was 

 transpiring at the other contains too many literary touches to justify 

 its use as an historical document. 



The question, therefore, of village groups is of considerable impor- 

 tance, because there may have been, cutting across the general organi- 

 zation, another smaller, perhaps looser social unit, that of "band" or 

 village, setting off one group against another. Systematic question- 



