204 THE WINNEBAGO TRIBE [eth. ann. 37 



Associated with every clan was also four clan songs. These were 

 supposed to be the four songs sung by the ancestors of each clan when 

 they came to this earth. They were always sung on the death of an 

 individual, and were supposed to serve as a mark of identification in 

 the journey of the soul to the land of the spirits. The use of these 

 songs was so intimately associated with death that when some 

 hardened offender, let us say, some individual who had killed a 

 member of the tribe and who refused to make atonement of any 

 kind, was pursued, he defiantly sang his clan songs. 



As a last element in the clan complex may be mentioned the 

 specific facial decorations existmg in each clan. 



We have now completed the discussion of clan organization. As 

 we saw, it consisted of a large number of cultural elements of the 

 most heterogeneous historical origin. So many indications are there, 

 indeed, of interpretations, reinterpretations, and secondary associa- 

 tion that it is impossible to form any correct idea of what is histori- 

 cally primary, except the self-evident fact that it had grown around 

 a strong social-political unit. 



INFLUENCE OF THE CLAN UPON CEREMONIAL ORGANIZATION 



Perhaps the most characteristic trait of Winnebago culture is the 

 existence of two strong "socialized units, that of the clan and that of 

 the secret society. Historically both are old, and even if we are of the 

 opinion that the clan is historically younger, the political unit upon 

 which it is superimposed is probably an ultimate historical fact. 

 From the earliest times one would have supposed reciprocal influences 

 to have occurred repeatedly. The nature of these influences, in so 

 far as they are not conditioned by chance, would depend upon the 

 respective center of gravity in either unit. It is evident that for the 

 clan the organization was of paramount importance, and that the 

 addition of cultural associations probably tended to strengthen its 

 stability in this respect. On the other hand, the absence of political 

 or governmental functions in the religious societies, and the cluster- 

 ing of the most multitudinous religious and shamanistic ideas witliin 

 them, rendered the emotional unit of the latter the center from which 

 influences would radiate. At the same time, the ceremonial unit of 

 organization seems to have been so firmly fixed that any influence of 

 the clan imit of organization upon it does not seem likely. As a 

 matter of fact, in the typical schematic, religious society like the 

 Medicine Dance, the Grizzly-Bear Dance, and Night-Spirit Dance, 

 no influence is perceptible. However, these religious societies may 

 be regarded as presenting no possible points of contact. Wliere, 

 however, the bond of union is supernatural communication with a 

 guardian spirit who subsequently became the clan animal, an obvious 

 point of contact is given, and this brings to mind a very suggestive 



