Ror] MARRIAGE, POLYGAMY, DIVORCE, WORK 673 
his father’s brother’s and father’s sister’s daughter. [Of the Pioje 
on the Napo, a widow often takes her son to replace the deceased 
husband and a widower his daughter upon the death of his first 
wife (AS,196).] On the Orinoco there is Gumilla’s authority for the 
want of uniformity in the way consanguinity is regarded in con- 
nection with permanent sexual unions. Thus, notwithstanding what 
has been said, he continues, some of these nations do not marry 
within the first nor second degree of consanguinity. The Betoya 
particularly exceed other nations in this respect, in that they do not 
intermarry until the fifth degree is passed; but there are other 
Indians, like the Carib and Chiricoa, who pay little or no regard to 
this (G, 1,290). Among the Island Carib were some who marry their 
own daughters (PBR, 239-240, 351) ; some a mother and a daughter ; 
others, two sisters (PBA,351). The marriage of father and daughter 
is, however, denied (RO, 549). In speaking of the Apalii of the 
Parou River, Cayenne, Crévaux mentions how the youngest of the 
four wives called Papoula (Sun) qualifies Azaouri as much as father 
or husband. The unions between relatives of the first degree are 
not very rare among all the Guianese Indians (Cr, 304). So also 
with the Oyampi of Cayenne, incest between father and daughter, 
son with mother, brother with sister, is common (Cou, 1, 346). Ifa 
Roucouyenne marries a woman (widow), she already having daugh- 
ters, he becomes the spouse not only of the woman but also of her 
children (Cr, 241). 
877. Except in the case of the Arawak—and even that is incom- 
plete—but little is known of the social and family relationships of 
any of the Guiana Indian tribes. It was Hilhouse who first drew 
up a list of Arawak family names, a list which was subsequently 
supplemented by Im Thurn (IT, 176), and drew attention to the 
caste of blood being derived from the mother (HiC, 228). The 
different family names or families of the Arawak are known as 
bukurukuya or bibitaddu, and if one were traveling in “foreign 
parts” among other members of the same tribe, he would be asked 
to which family he belonged. If of their own, he would be treated 
as one of the family. Bernau makes the assertion, which is neither 
noted nor even suggested elsewhere, that they are able to recognize 
each other as members of the same family by certain marks and 
figures tattooed on their faces when young and colored with the 
lana (BE, 29). While little attention is paid nowadays to these dis- 
tinctions, a large number of the collective family names are still 
remembered. The following list includes some of those met with 
among the Demerara and Pomeroon River Arawak. It gives the 
name of the object, etc., whence the name is derived (a), its meaning 
