688 ARTS AND CRAFTS OF GUIANA INDIANS [BTH, ANN. 33 
parably far more attractive, the old hag will retain her position as 
head of the household (ScF, 214). According to Von Humboldt, a 
certain inequality in the rights of the women is sanctioned by the 
language of the Tamanac. The husband calls the second and third 
wives the companions of the first, and the first treats these com- 
panions as rivals and enemies (/pucjatoje), a term which truly ex- 
presses their position (AVH, 1,455). On the Berbice, Pinckard de- 
scribes how the Indians commonly appoint the senior of their wives 
as a spy or guardian over the conduct of the others; but, as a spice 
of intrigue has found its way even into the wild woods, it is said 
that means have been found to convert the old duenna into the best 
channel of obtaining an introduction to the junior branches of the 
harem (Pnk, 1, 520). Very commonly, however, one or more young 
girls are generally taken into the house, nominally as wives, but really 
rather to be taught their domestic duties by the old wife, so that 
when the latter dies or becomes perfectly useless, one of them may 
take her place (IT, 221-223). If the second, as is often the case, is 
but a child she will subserve the former in all domestic employments 
until the term of puberty . .. at which time she cohabits with the 
husband (BA, 319). Though polygamy is general among the Wapi- 
shana, Schomburgk makes mention of the fact that the children are 
well brought up and obedient (ScE, 166). The same author also 
notes an Indian, apparently Makusi, who had three wives and a 
progeny of eight children, with a prospect of more, as a rare instance 
of numerous children among natives who practice polygamy (ScF, 
200). 
897. There are variations observable in the disposal of the widows 
from her immolation with the deceased husband as recorded among 
the old-time Carib on the Orinoco (G, 1, 201), or flagellation, ete., as 
on the Vichada (WER, v1, sec. 276), to her absolute freedom in the 
bestowal of her body and affections. Arawak widows have their hair 
cut on their husband’s death and can not marry again until it has 
reached a definite length. During this period she remains devoid 
of all ornament and decoration, even of the usually worn cotton cloth- 
ing (SR, 1, 227). When this time has arrived, the husband’s nearest 
relative [his brother] claims first right over her. If some one else 
wants her he must buy her from the first claimant, either with a gun, 
a corial, or some other object. If she marries anyone without the con- 
sent of the rightly authorized heirs, this is generally the cause for 
bloody feuds (SR, u, 460). Similarly with the Warrau, the widow 
and children become the property of the brother or nearest relative. 
If she rejects him, the provoked blood relatives revenge themselves by 
forcing their way into her house and giving her a very severe thrash- 
ing, after which she is free to live with whomsoever she pleases (SR, 
