evens ARCHEOLOGY IN BRITISH GUIANA 345 
tensive trading with each other is so abundantly documented that it 
can be presented as a fact rather than an inference. The difference 
between the coastal and interior situations can be summed up in one 
point: in the former area pottery figured as a major item of trade, in 
the latter it did not. 
This contrast epitomizes the problems inherent in making archeo- 
logical inferences. The small proportion of the original constellation 
of traits that survives in the archeological record is a fact that no 
archeologist is allowed to forget. However, it is also important to 
recognize that surviving traits may not maintain their original rela- 
tive importance. As in the case of the Taruma Phase sherds from a 
Rupununi Phase site, a small clue may reflect a situation of major 
significance and long duration. Any analysis of affiliations or recon- 
struction of routes of movement depends on magnifying and distill- 
ing such vague and tenuous bits of evidence. Even if ethnographic 
and historical facts can be cited in support, the interpretation may 
not be proved. Drawing of archeological inference becomes a tight- 
rope walk balanced betweeen the abysses of excessive scientific cau- 
tion and excessive creative imagination. Too conservative an ap- 
proach will miss important ideas that may guide or stimulate future 
work. Too free speculation will produce interpretations that are 
divorced from reality or cannot be checked by anthropological tech- 
niques. Avoidance of the extremes becomes easier when the body 
of cultural theory developed by other branches of anthropology is 
used to guide and evaluate archeological inferences. The benefits of 
such application accrue not only to archeology but to anthropology 
as a whole. 
The integration of archeological evidence on British Guiana with 
other kinds of data helps to place this part of South America in a 
realistic light. In a world view, the position of the Guianas today 
with regard to population density, economic development or political 
influence is certainly marginal. In the first few centuries after the 
discovery of America, however, expectations ran high. The early 
explorers spoke in glowing terms of the potential of the “rich Em- 
pire” and the “large and beautiful country” of Guiana. A quotation 
from Ralegh will illustrate their enthusiasm: 
The Empire of Guiana is directly East from Peru towards the Sea, and lieth 
under the Equinoctial line, and it hath more golde than any part of Peru, and 
as many or moe great Cities than ever Peru had when it flourished most: it is 
governed by the same lawes, and the Emperour and people observe the same 
religion, and the same forme and policies in government as were used in Peru, 
not differing in any part: and I have bene assured by such of the Spaniards 
as have seene Manoa the Imperial Citie of Guiana, which the Spaniards call 
El Dorado, that for the greatnesse, for the riches, and for the excellent seat, it 
farre exceedeth any of the world, at least of so much of the world as is knowen 
