EMPIRES children: THE PEOPLE OF TZINTZUNTZAN FOSTER 



33 



mix with complete equality with all Mestizos, 

 and without resentment. The priest is Tarascan, 

 though from another town, and there is no feel- 

 ing that it is odd that an Indian, a naturalito, 

 should care for the spiritual needs of the com- 

 munity. 



Toward those Indians, however, who live in 

 Ojo de Agua and La Vuelta, there is general 

 condescension, and a number of terms, some 

 with a derisive meaning, are applied to them. 

 Most commonly they are referred to as los na- 

 turalitos, "the naturals." Los tatitas is also 

 used, probably because the Tarascans use the 

 form tata or tatita when addressing any older 

 person, or to be respectful. Neither of these 

 terms is particularly resented. Those who 

 understand little or no Spanish may be called 

 los nakos, from the Tarascan word nanaka, 

 which means "woman" but which in a wider 

 sense means effeminate and cowardly. Tarascan 

 men are sometimes called guachos and the wo- 

 men giiares.* Though the word is considered 

 offensive by Tarascans, Mestizo boys often ap- 

 ply the word giiare as a term of endearment to 

 their sweethearts. In the same manner it is 

 applied to Mestizo girls of 4 or 5 who dress 

 in indigenous costume for fiestas. 



Needless to say, the Tarascans look down 

 equally upon the Mestizos, considering them 

 to be lazy and indolent in comparison with 

 themselves. This conception is not without jus- 

 tification. 



Among Tarascans, Spanish usually is not 

 spoken, even when they come to Tzintzuntzan, 

 except in direct dealings with the Tzintzuntze- 

 iios. Use of Tarascan when visiting in Tzin- 

 tzuntzan is unwise, from the standpoint of race 

 relations, because the Mestizos feel that they 

 are talking about them, poking fun at them 

 — which in truth they often are. And in Tzin- 

 tzuntzan the most awful thing that can happen 

 to a person is to be made fun of, to lose face 

 in any way. Vicente Rendon has a great many 

 friends among los naturalitos. Because his 

 house is almost the last toward La Vuelta they 

 often wait to buy pottery from him on the 

 return trip from the market. And Tarascans 

 from other lake towns often leave their paddles 

 with him while they go on into the plaza. None- 



theless he becomes highly indignant when they 

 talk Tarascan among themselves, and is sure 

 they are laughing at him. His indignation is 

 so strong that he tries never to be left alone 

 with them. But when they leave, he smiles a lit- 

 tle condescendingly, as if to imply that they 

 are pretty quaint and stupid. He, in common 

 with all other Mestizos, has no doubts as to 

 which is the superior group. Fortunately the 

 contact situation is such that there is no cause 

 for serious friction, and the two groups mingle 

 in church and at fiestas, in the markets, and in 

 other places without grave complications. 



MESTIZO STRATIFICATION 



Within the Mestizo population itself there 

 is, as in Mitla (Parsons, 1936, p. 15), little 

 emphasis placed on social distinctions. As con- 

 trasted to the derogatory terms applied to the 

 Tarascans, there are two expressions applied to 

 the Mestizos, gente de razon ("people of reas- 

 on") and gente criolla ("creole people"). But 

 there is no common concensus of opinion as to 

 who are the ones who fall into each group. 

 Those persons who by biological fiction have 

 no Indian blood, that is, who can trace white 

 blood from much earlier days, are gente de ra- 

 zon. Nevertheless, if an Indian woman marries 

 such a man, she automatically joins his class, 

 as do her children. Actually, there is probably 

 nobody in town without at least a trace of Ta- 

 rascan ancestry. Nevertheless, these gente de 

 razon are more clearly Mestizo in terms of 

 lighter complexions. Economic status also plays 

 a part in the classification: gente de razon live 

 nearer the center of town, are more apt to be 

 storekeepers, have tile floors in their homes, 

 and maybe even a little window glass. Gente 

 de razon never dress in calzones, the pajamalike 

 pants of the campesinos, or the telares of the 

 Indian women. Dress is always catrin — pants, 

 shirt, shoes, or dress and shoes depending on 

 sex.** Nevertheless, municipal office does not 

 depend on affiliation — in fact, probably a 

 higher percentage of officials during the past 

 10 years are from the non-gente de razon cate- 

 gory. 



•* Leon (1888, p. 100) derives giiare from the Tarascan 

 word vari, "senora," ("lady"). 



^ The common Mexican word catrin, to indicate a person 

 of the city, or with city habits and dress, is very little used in 

 Tzintzuntzan. 



