EMPIRES CHILDREN: THE PEOPLE OF TZINTZUNTZAN 



competition stiff in this town, so other rescato- 

 nes do not find it worth while. In a typical load 

 Wenceslao's three mules will carry the follow- 

 ing: 



12 ollas tachas. 



FOSTER 143 



cascalote seeds, to sell in Ario. From La Hua- 

 cana, Poturo, and Jorullo come fruit — bana- 

 nas, mangoes, tamarind, and cacao. The long- 



Mule No. 1: 



filled with boleros, 

 media boleras, atoleras, and cazue- 

 litas, and four ein])ty tachas. 



Mule No. 2: 6 dozen ollas de a sets. 



Mule No. 3: 6 ollas dc a medio, filled with small- 

 er ware, and 8 ollas de a cuatro. 



Each load represents a quantity of 1 "peso," 

 worth about $22 to $24 at wholesale prices. 

 Part is that which his wife has made, and part 

 is that which he has purchased to complete his 

 load. Each "peso" is sold for about $34, 

 making a total profit of $30 to $36 for the 

 5-day trip. Faustino drives three burros, which 

 carry about half as much load. On the return 

 trip the men bring sugarcane, oranges, or man- 

 goes, depending on the season, some to be sold 

 and some to be eaten by members of their fam- 

 ilies. 



In most towns there are "inns" for animals 

 and men. The former are charged $0.05 each, 

 plus fodder consumed, and the latter receive a 

 petate on which to sleep. 



Considering the investment in animals, the 

 rate of return in this profession is not high. 

 Love of the open road rather than a desire to 

 make money is the reason one becomes a resca- 

 ton. All men so employed said they enjoyed 

 their work; no other occupation in Tzintzuntzan 

 is considered more than a necessary evil. 



Longer trips are those of Ignacio Estrada, 

 who with his brother Odelon makes a trip once 

 a month to Nueva Italia, in the heart of the tie- 

 rra caliente. The route, with night stopping 

 places, is Ajuno, Zirakuaretiro, Uruapan, La 

 Gallina or Los Jazmines (ranches), and on the 

 fifth night, Nueva Italia. Like Wenceslao and 

 Faustino, their families make a part of the pot- 

 tery, and they buy the remainder. Rice is the 

 important return load from here. Occasionally 

 rescatones go as far as the Rio Balsas, more, it 

 seems, with the desire to see the country than 

 with the hope of extra profits. One route is to 

 Santa Clara, Ario, La Huacana, San Pedro Jo- 

 rullo (hacienda), Poturo (hacienda), Chorumu- 

 co, and finally the river, where there are just a 

 few huts. On the outward journey one sells a 

 little pottery in each place. On the return trip, 

 at the Rio Balsas and Chorumuco one picks up 



est trip is that of Sacramento Marin and Genaro 

 Estrada, who once or twice a year make the 

 month's trip to Petatlan, Guerrero, near the Pa- 

 cific coast. 



Some potters make short trips around the 

 south side of the lake to various towns, often 

 making pottery on order and delivering over 

 the weekend, thus combining business with a 

 pleasant outing. Many of these transactions are 

 by barter, principally maize for pottery. Vi- 

 cente and Natividad, for example, make a trip 

 about once a month to Huecorio where they have 

 compadres, and where their pottery enjoys such 

 a reputation that many people make special re- 

 quests, not only for common ware, but also for 

 incense burners and other pieces. 



CREDIT FACILITIES AND PRICE STRUCTURE 



The general forms of production and the me- 

 chanics of the exchange of goods have now been 

 discussed. Certain additional data are neces- 

 sary to further explain the basic nature of the 

 economic system of Tzintzuntzan. First of all, 

 it is apparent that the economy of Tzintzuntzan 

 is based on the use of money. Barter exists on 

 a larger scale than in our own society, but in 

 terms of all goods and services produced or 

 rendered, it is a question of a very small per- 

 centage. Among the purely Tarascan villages of 

 the lake, barter is considerably more important, 

 as evidenced by the Erongaricuaro market, but 

 even here it is entirely secondary. Perhaps the 

 truest test of the importance of barter in an 

 economic system is whether or not goods are 

 evaluated in money before making the trade. 

 This, we have seen, is generally the case in the 

 entire area. Barter ratios fluctuate as the mone- 

 tary values of the items in question fluctuate. 

 Hence, the phenomenon is much closer to the 

 international barter of certain modern countries 

 than to a truly primitive system of exchange. 

 Practically speaking, people in the entire area 

 produce, exchange, and consume on the basis of 

 a money economy. Even the common Mexican 

 Indian practice of cooperative work exchange is 

 almost unknown. The individual knows in terms 

 of money what his work is worth, what it will 

 produce, and how much it will cost him to live. 



