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INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY- — PUBLICATION NO. 6 



therefrom at the earliest possible time. Likewise, 

 persons who have served their term as officials 

 henceforth are exempt from the onerous task 

 of the faena. 



Tzintzuntzan joined with the nation on Sun- 

 day, July 7, 1946, in national elections for pres- 

 ident, senators, and deputies. The events of 

 the day were marked by order and discipline, 

 and a very high percent of the electorate turned 

 out to cast its ballot. At the same time the 

 elections in Tzintzuntzan, which are probably 

 characteristic of hundreds of other small rural 

 Mexican villages, illustrate the difficulties which 

 stand in the way of truly democratic govern- 

 ment when a large part of the voters are illiter- 

 ate. 



The mechanics of voting in Tzintzuntzan close- 

 ly follow those of the nation at large. In May 

 a Government employee came from Morelia for 

 the empadronamicnto, in which all eligible vot- 

 ers — married men of 18 and over, and single 

 men 21 and over — were urged to register by 

 signing their signature or placing a thumbprint 

 on the official paper. Each registrant was to 

 receive a credential bearing a serial number and 

 tabulated for card-index machines. Voting lists 

 were also drawn up in Morelia, with names and 

 numbers corresponding to each credential, to be 

 checked at the time of voting. Credentials were 

 distributed by the local officials, and apparently 

 every registrant received one; no complaints 

 were heard. Two polling places were designat- 

 ed for the municipio, one in Tzintzuntzan and 

 the other in Ihuatzio. Citizens of the other vil- 

 lages were instructed to go to one or the other 

 of these places. Votes were to be counted the 

 same night in Tzintzuntzan, and then sent to 

 district headquarters in Patzcuaro for the offi- 

 cial recount. 



Tliere were two principal presidential candi- 

 dates: Miguel Aleman of the PRI (Partido Re- 

 voliLcionario Institucional, the official Govern- 

 ment party whose name had recently been chang- 

 ed from Partido de la Revolucion Mexicana), 

 and Ezequiel Padilla, supported by PAN {Parti- 

 do Accion Nacional, the party of the Sinarquis- 

 tas and other rightist elements). Two minor can- 

 didates were unknown in Tzintzuntzan. One Fed- 

 eral senator and one deputy, each with an al- 

 ternate, were also elected from a field of about 

 half a dozen parties. Before the election it be- 

 came apparent that although there was consider- 



able interest in major candidates, very little was 

 known about how an election was conducted. 

 Nevertheless, the voters were not greatly con- 

 cerned. They felt reasonably certain that ballot 

 boxes would be ready on election day, and it did 

 not much matter to them what the precise organi- 

 zation of those in charge might be. 



In spite of general interest in the elections, 

 most individuals did not like to commit them- 

 selves as to their candidates. In part this may 

 have been due to fear, and in part to the fact 

 that they really had not made up their minds. 

 We were always asked, "Whom do you think 

 will be elected?" and apparently there was a 

 considerable desire to be on the right political 

 band wagon. Half-believed by many was the 

 rumor that the entire State of Guerrero was 

 fanatically pro-Padilla, and that if Michoacan 

 did not follow suit armed men would march 

 up from the tierra caliente for a general mas- 

 sacre. In contrast to the average small American 

 town before elections, it was literally impossible 

 to make a fair guess as to who had the most 

 support. Padilla's supporters, numerous because 

 of the strength of the local Sinarquista group, 

 referred to the "imposition" of the Government 

 which might prevent the election of their man, 

 whom they were sure should win. PRI support- 

 ers were equally certain that Aleman had more 

 popular support. 



Election day was bright and warm, and by 

 8 o'clock in the morning the plaza was full of 

 milling people, many from other villages. Voters 

 who could read scanned the posted lists to see 

 if their names were in order. Ramon Garcia, 

 school teacher, was perturbed because his cre- 

 dential was listed for Ihuatzio, due no doubt to 

 a plot to keep him from voting. The tax col- 

 lector turned out to be in charge of the polls, 

 aided by Jesus Pena, who functioned as secre- 

 tary, and Vicente Rendon. Voting was scheduled 

 to begin at 9 o'clock. But the tax collector slept 

 late, breakfasted leisurely, and did not appear 

 in front of his door until 10:30. A table was 

 brought out on which were placed three boxes, 

 one for ballots for president, one for senators, 

 and one for deputies. The list of voters, three 

 stacks of ballots, and several pencils completed 

 the equipment. Ramon had decided to present 

 his credential quietly and say nothing about his 

 listing in Ihuatzio. Vicente thumbed through 

 the leaves, found the name, and handed Ramon 



