EMPIRES CHILDREN: THE PEOPLE OF TZINTZUNTZAN FOSTER 



183 



three ballots. It was all right after all. The 

 posting of names was wrong, but all registered 

 voters were to vote. In plain view of the masses 

 packed around the table, Ramon made three 

 firm crosses through the circles, one on each 

 ballot. The ballots were folded and dropped 

 into the box, and the next man stepped up. Each 

 candidate had a circle of a different color so 

 that illiterate voters would know for whom they 

 were voting: the PRI the familiar red, green, 

 and white tricolor; PAN blue circles; and other 

 candidates other colors or combinations. Cam- 

 paigning was on the basis of, "Mark the tricolor 

 circle," or, "Mark the blue circle" to such an 

 extent that most voters did not know that the 

 names also were printed. Ramon remarked af- 

 terward, "I had intended to vote for another 

 candidate, but forgot what the color of his circle 



was, so I put a cross in the circles." 



Presently it was apparent that the act of vot- 

 ing v/as new and strange to most of those who 

 had come. Each man stepped confidently to the 

 table, had his credential stamped, took the bal- 

 lots, and, confronted by a bewildering collec- 

 tion of circles, panic would come into his face. 

 The pencil would hover uncertainly over the 

 ballots like a bee about to alight on a flower, 

 and presently, by some unknown impulse would 

 drop quickly on the nearest circle. Relief would 

 replace fear — the voter had done his duty, and 

 now that he knew how it was done, next time he 

 would be prepared to really vote. Obviously, 

 since most voters had to be told to put one cross 

 for president and two each for deputies and 

 senators, a secret ballot was an impossibility. 

 But in the hour or so in which polling was watch- 

 ed, there was no evidence of attempts to tell the 

 voters in which circles the crosses should be 

 placed. The PRI had a certain psychological 

 advantage. Its tricolor symbol on posters, year 

 after year, has come to be associated in the 

 minds of many persons with politics and govern- 

 ment. Since the other parties are organized in- 

 dependently for each election, there is no conti- 

 nuity in other symbols. Hence, many voters when 

 confronted with a cluster of mnemonic signs 

 had their eyes drawn to the only familiar sight 

 and, like lost souls, quickly seized this only 

 hope of safety. It is probable that after voting, 

 75 percent of the men did not know for whom 

 they had cast their ballot. During the period 

 that balloting was observed all candidates for 



all offices received some votes, including those 

 whose names had been completely unknown in 

 Tzintzuntzan. 



In spite of the obvious problems connected 

 with this election, it is apparent that a sincere 

 effort was made to give each registered voter 

 the opportunity freely to express his will. Par- 

 ticularly praiseworthy was the sobriety and 

 order which prevailed during the entire day, all 

 the more so in view of the large numbers of 

 persons assembled in a holiday mood. 



SINARQUISM 



Though playing no official role in community 

 organization, Sinarquism is of the utmost im- 

 portance. The national Sinarquista organization 

 is a militant right-wing nationalistic group 

 corresponding to the Spanish Falange (though 

 presumably with no direct connection), with 

 chapters in most parts of Mexico. It receives 

 its support from individuals of all social classes 

 who oppose the leftish policies which have 

 characterized the Mexican government for a 

 number of years. Though all Catholics are by 

 no means Sinarquistas, the Church in general 

 often supports the organization. It is openly 

 anticommunist, and, because of its extreme na- 

 tionalism, antagonistic to the United States and 

 to Protestantism. In the minds of the uneducat- 

 ed masses Russia, communism, the United 

 States, and Protestantism are conveniently lump- 

 ed together as enemies of the inalienable 

 rights of man. Since most people in Tzintzun- 

 tzan consider themselves to be Sinarquistas, it 

 is perhaps worth while to describe in some detail 

 the origin and growth of the local cell. 



Early in 1940 the local chief of the Sinar- 

 quistas in Patzcuaro, accompanied by several 

 friends, came to Tzintzuntzan, ostensibly to fe- 

 licitate the new municipal president. By means 

 of flattery they induced the president to call a 

 town meeting in the churchyard, and once a 

 crowd was assembled explained as follow: The 

 Sinarquista organization was not to be a polit- 

 ical party, but rather a civic organization with 

 the principal aim of fighting communism. Com- 

 munism was becoming a growing threat in Mex- 

 ico, and as its ultimate aim was to take 

 children from their families to educate them in 

 Government schools, which would be a great 

 danger to the Patria, since they would be instill- 



