EMPIRES CHILDREN: THE PEOPLE OF TZINTZUNTZAN FOSTER 



195 



on normal clays. Indian men all wear the white 

 pajamalike calzones and shirts, and the women 

 the heavy red or black wool skirts, the telares, 

 and brightly embroidered blouses and aprons. 

 During Mass one has no doubts about the gen- 

 uineness of the Indian heritage of Tzintzuntzan. 



At noon each day the large bell strikes 12 

 times, and most individuals, wherever they may 

 be, stop for a few minutes, some kneeling and 

 others merely removing their hats. Formerly it 

 was customary to kneel and chant prayers. 



Unlike the activities just mentioned, those of 

 the cargueros are to a considerable extent sepa- 

 rated from the priest, though all are done with 

 his knowledge and consent, and often with his 

 participation. Frequently these activities are 

 tied up with the fiestas which come at stated 

 intervals throughout the year, in some cases 

 forming their central theme. These fiestas are 

 almost purely religious in motivation and con- 

 tent, and generally correspond to the universal 

 Church observances of Lent, Holy Week, Corpus 

 Christi, All Saints' Day, and the like. Others, 

 particularly exemplified by that in honor of 

 Nuestro Seiior del Rescate, are unique to the 

 town, and are strongly flavored with commercial 

 and social elements. One might say in such 

 cases that religion is the excuse to hold the 

 fiesta, but after the requisite number of Masses 

 has been attended, the real pleasure lies in the 

 buying and selling, the games of chance, and 

 the visiting with friends and relatives from other 

 towns. Fiestas of this type, in that they are 

 organized by the civil government rather than 

 entirely by the Church, tend to blend with a few 

 purely secular holidays such as the Mexican In- 

 dependence Day and the anniversary of the 

 founding of the municipio of Tzintzuntzan. 



THE CARGUEROS 



The term mayordomia, by which the pheno- 

 mena about to be described are known in many 

 parts of Mexico, is little used in Tzintzuntzan. 

 In brief, the system involves the ceremonial spon- 

 sorship by a group of people of an image in 

 the church, or of a church or chapel building 

 itself, usually for a period of one year. Prayers 

 must be said periodically, candles burned, 

 Masses paid for, and meals given in honor of 

 the venerated object. The most serious cargue- 

 ros are those who assume the responsibility as 



the result of a vow, a maiida. An individual or a 

 member of his family may be sick; he vows that 

 if health is restored he will become a carguero 

 for a year, accepting all attendant obligations 

 and expenses. Though health is the most com- 

 mon reason for the vows, desire for success in 

 some undertaking may also be a reason. Other 

 cargueros assume the post for reasons of pres- 

 tige, considering it a necessity if one is to be- 

 come a respected member of the community. 

 In all cases, some type of election formalizes 

 the decision. 



Any person who has been a carguero, what- 

 ever his reasons for having done so, automatical- 

 ly occupies a position of distinction in the com- 

 munity for the rest of his life. He can seat 

 himself at the table at all fiestas, and even oc- 

 cupy the head. When he dies, his body will be 

 placed in the church for mourning, free of the 

 contribution which others must make. Converse- 

 ly, any middle-aged man who has not been a 

 carguero can never be a person of importance, 

 or be highly respected by his fellow men. A per- 

 son can be a carguero more than once, but sub- 

 sequent times do not increase his status or pres- 

 tige. Often a man who becomes a carguero 

 names a young son, perhaps still just a baby, as 

 the true official. The concept behind this practice 

 is a little obscure, but it appears to be a means 

 of spreading the honor over another member of 

 the family. The boy receives a certain distinc- 

 tion, and the father loses none. But the son can- 

 not carry the honor over into adult life, and 

 must at some time on his own assume the re- 

 sponsibility. The father, who technically is not 

 a carguero at all, receives all the honors and 

 respect due one, as well as the rights to special 

 privileges which go with having been a carguero. 

 The obvious fact that the father has spent the 

 money is recognized, and hence he is the re- 

 spected person. The phenomenon of the cargue- 

 ro is probably the best example of "conspicuous 

 display" of wealth which exists in Tzintzuntzan. 

 The individual has to spend a great deal of 

 money which does not directly clothe, feed, or 

 shelter him, and for his self-sacrifice he is ad- 

 mired. 



Women technically do not become cargueros. 

 Nevertheless, though unmarried youths may oc- 

 casionally assume the responsibility, most men 

 need the active cooperation of their wives. In 



