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INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 6 



SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIOxNS 



Were the people of the Empire of four cen- 

 turies ago to return to Tzintzuntzan today, it is 

 difficult to tell to what extent they would re- 

 cognize it as their old home. From the yacatas, 

 the extent of the changes would be deceiving. 

 The lake is still there, and canoes move over 

 its sparkling surface. Mighty Zirate still rises 

 on the far side, and at its foot the smoke of 

 the fires of Guayameo and Cucupao continues 

 to curl upward. One could not see, from the 

 distance, the changes that have taken place, nor 

 could one know that the villages are now called 

 Santa Fe and Quiroga. Closer home there would 

 be other familiar sights. The hills of Tariaque- 

 ri and Yahuaro remain as before, though now 

 the greedy fingers of eroded gulches reach much 

 farther up their sides, and trees are confined to 

 smaller areas near their summits. At first 

 glance, the ruined condition of the yacatas them- 

 selves would suggest that the town had been 

 deserted, and indeed, closer inspection would 

 reveal that some of the barrios are no longer 

 present. San Pablo and Santiago, just above 

 the temple mounds? Not a visible trace re- 

 mains. And Santa Ana across on the slopes of 

 Tariaqueri? Also gone. But beneath the yaca- 

 tas, snuggled between the two hills and the lake 

 shore, there are obvious signs of life; it is here 

 that one must seek the answer as to whether the 

 Tzintzuntzan of 1945 has anything more in com- 

 mon with that of 1520 than the name and site. 



The changes that have taken place obviously 

 are enormous. In the chapter on pre- and post- 

 Conquest history the general outline of the 

 culture at the beginning of the 16th century 

 was summarized. Using these data as a base, 

 and comparing them with those presented in the 

 body of the monograph, it is possible briefly 

 to call attention to the significant changes which 

 have occurred. 



Racially, the population can be called neither 

 Tarascan nor Spanish. There may be a few in- 

 dividuals with no Caucasoid blood whatsoever; 

 it is doubtful if there is anyone without some 

 Indian blood. The great mass of people is, in 

 the exact sense of the word. Mestizo. This pro- 

 cess of mestization goes so far back that, one 

 might almost say, a new race has been produced. 

 The inhabitants are Mestizos, not because of 



the miscegenation of their parents and grand- 

 parents, but because their parents, grandparents, 

 greatgrandparents and even farther back, were 

 also Mestizos. The initial crossings took place 

 17 generations ago, and a harmonious blending 

 of the good physical characteristics of both 

 parent stocks subsequently has occurred. The 

 marked and often unsightly Indian prognathism 

 has all but disappeared, but the rich black hair 

 and lustrous skin have remained, blended in 

 most cases with the lighter skin of the Spanish 

 ancestors, and in some cases, set off with blue 

 eyes. The high cheek bones are much reduced, 

 but the angular facial form still pays tribute to 

 the Indian antepasados. In short, the inhabi- 

 tants of Tzintzuntzan are of the same physical 

 type which makes up the bulk of the non-Indian 

 population of Mexico. 



It is axiomatic that language may change 

 more rapidly than physical type. This has been 

 the case in Tzintzuntzan, where Spanish has 

 replaced the Indian speech 88 percent — much 

 more, if we remember that those who still speak 

 Tarascan also speak Spanish. It is not the Cas- 

 tellano of Castile, nor even that of Mexico City. 

 Aire becbmes aigre, and derretir becomes rede- 

 tir. And the Tarascan language has left its 

 traces in the local vocabulary in the form of 

 words which would not be understood in other 

 parts of the country. Red earth is charanda, a 

 carrying net is huangoche, a type of bowl is pi- 

 nipite, and the hearth stones are paranguas. 

 Perhaps 50, perhaps 100, Tarascan words sur- 

 vive in the speech of the Mestizos. They them- 

 selves, in most cases, are not aware that the ety- 

 mology is different from that of the rest of their 

 speech. Certainly, in the speech of Tzintzun- 

 tzan there are more words of Nahuatl than of 

 Tarascan derivation — maiz, ocote. simplasuche, 

 metate. petate — it is the same list one finds in 

 Mitla, Tepoztlan, or Mexico City. Again, in 

 speech the Tzintzuntzefios are Mexicans and not 

 Tarascans or Spaniards. 



Material culture has seen many changes. 

 Houses have windows and tile roofs, as contrast- 

 ed to former lack of windows, and roofs of 

 thatch. The introduction of iron and steel has 

 made possible great improvements in tools, a 

 more efficient exploitation of the environment 



