EMPIRES CHILDREN: THE PEOPLE OF TZINTZUNTZAN FOSTER 



287 



in his new surroundings, and his overt action 

 patterns immediately would mark him as one 

 of the group. Only when placed in one of the 

 relatively more isolated and homogeneous In- 

 dian groups would he find necessary a consider- 

 able readjustment in his system of values and 

 personal relations. 



What, then, is the typical Tzintzuntzeno like, 

 as an individual, and what does this imply with 

 regard to the future of Mexico? My feelings 

 about the people after a period of association 

 extending over nearly 2 years cannot be sum- 

 med up in a few words. My Mestizo and Indian 

 friends, like my friends in the United States, 

 are neither all good nor all bad. Through the 

 hospitality of many I have had the opportunity 

 to enter into confidences which I have never 

 known in other field work, and through lack of 

 a serious language barrier it has been possible 

 to absorb much of the atmosphere and flavor 

 of daily life which normally is obtained only 

 with greater difficulties. I believe that I am 

 very much aware of the human side of my study 

 subjects, of their hopes, aspirations, and fears. 

 I applaud the spirit of independence with which 

 certain families face their own problems, and 

 admire the system whereby friends and relatives 

 can be called upon in time of need. I deplore 

 the petty bickering which is characteristic of 

 some people, and the spirit of hostility which 

 is engendered by the successful person. Tzin- 

 tzuntzan is peopled by a very human group, a 

 group with definite cultural goals. Most of these 

 are relatively simple: sufficient income to enjoy 

 a modest house, food, leisure, the opportunity 

 to participate in Church functions, the desire to 

 be a respected member of the community, to be 

 free from undue sickness, and to be sure of 

 Eternal Salvation. 



It is apparent that realization of a large pro- 

 portion of these goals implies money and, in 

 fact, Tzintzuntzan is a part of a society with a 

 strong acquisitive sense. One passes by the op- 

 portunity to make money only when a social or 

 religious obligation makes it imperative, and 

 one parts with money only when full value is 

 gained in return, or when there is no alternative 

 to paying for something. Everyone, from an 

 early age, is acutely conscious of the value of 

 money and of its importance in daily life. Chil- 

 dren accompany their mothers to the Patzcuaro 



market, witness the eagerness to sell well, the 

 haggling to get the last possible centavo out of 

 each sale, and the mental struggle which occurs 

 with each lowering of the offering price. Like- 

 wise they watch their mothers as the latter, now 

 buyers, reverse the process and try to stretch 

 each peso over the largest possible number of 

 purchases. It early becomes apparent to grow- 

 ing children that with money, many of the 

 goals of life can be obtained, and that without 

 it, they cannot. Still, it would be inaccurate to 

 say that the desire for money is the dominating 

 motif in the life of the people; it is simply one 

 among others. 



The coUectivistic aspects of rural and Indian 

 Mexican life have been stressed in many studies 

 of Mexico, and much recent Government plan- 

 ning, such as the development of e/7^os, has been 

 predicated on the assumption that this is a domi- 

 nating characteristic of rural peoples. In Tzin- 

 tzuntzan one is struck, not with coUectivistic but 

 rather with the strong tradition of individualis- 

 tic attitudes. In a sense, this is a reflection of 

 a much stronger urban tendency, the egoismo or 

 "every man for himself" philosophy. Land is 

 owned privately, and rights to it jealously 

 guarded. The few ejidatarios who took posses- 

 sion of their plots do not farm them, but cling 

 to their titles, share-cropping them with other 

 less fortunate farmers. There is no social mech- 

 anism whereby the poor and less favored are 

 helped, and little pity for those who experience 

 personal or financial catastrophes. Cooperative 

 work in the fields, found among some of the 

 more isolated Indian groups, is unknown; the 

 custom of the faena, labor dedicated to the com- 

 munity, is grudgingly observed. Only through 

 the mechanism of the compadrazgo, and through 

 joint participation in Church functions, is mu- 

 tual help and service to others evidenced. There 

 is little feeling of moral obligation to repay a 

 loan; hence, except rarely to compadres (and 

 even here, excuses occasionally are sought), they 

 are made only with ample security. 



Such emphasis upon self-dependence might 

 be expected to make the individual acutely 

 aware of his own shortcomings at times of fail- 

 ure. Success, it is reasoned, is due to superior 

 skill and work; therefore, failure logically 

 might be explained in terms of poor planning 

 or judgment. But this is never the case. Self- 



