54 



INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY — PUBLICATION NO. 9 



is great. The captains by birtli transmit their title to all 

 their offspring, male and female; whereas those who re- 

 ceive their title by favor do not transmit it. The title 

 lasts througli the lifetime of the one who receives it and 

 expires with his death. 



There e.xiets another difference between tlie captains 

 of the two cla.sses. Those of the first class (by blood) 

 are heads of their families and soldiers. Therefore their 

 lodgings are separated from the other captains, their 

 relatives . . . The captains by favor, in spite of their 

 titles remain soldiers, subject to the captains by blood 

 and live in tlie lodgings as other soldiers . . . 



In these expeditions (war parties) each captain by 

 birth commands his group. If the head chief goes they 

 all obey his orders. When they penetrate into enemy 

 territory, they march in line in remarkable silence. The 

 line extends according to the number of combatants, the 

 captain of each company being in tlie rear of his 

 peoi)le ... To stimulate courage before attacking the 

 enemy, they stab themselves with sharp jaguar bones in 

 the arms, sides and calves of their legs. [Sanchez Labra- 

 dor, 1910-17, vol. 2, pp. 19-21.] 



ECONOMIC LIFE 



According to Sanchez Labrador the Mbaya were 

 hunters and fishermen. Vegetable foods and 

 wearing apparel they obtained largely from their 

 Guana serfs. With the adoption of the horse, 

 raiding became an important means of increasing 

 the food supply. Mbaya settlements were tem- 

 porary camps, their houses, too, being no more 

 than sheds made by spreading bulrush matting- 

 over a frame of bamboo poles : 



Since tiie Guaycuni have to gather tlieir fnod, wliich, if 

 they remain in one place, becomes scarce, they are 

 forced to move their settlements frequently. That is why 

 they have neither strongly built houses nor grass huts. 

 Their houses are movable, and they mount or dismount 

 them at a place chosen for a stop, or one which they are 

 leaving. [Ibid., vol. 1, p. 26S.] 



The internal furnishings of the lodges were 

 scanty and simple. A few skin bags, carrj'ing 

 nets, clay pots, and gourd vessels were the prin- 

 cipal containers. The Mbaya had no beds, sleep- 

 ing on the ground over which palm fronds had 

 been spread: 



At both ends of the shed or division they level the ground 

 and put some grass or palm fronds. The.se corners are 

 used as mattresses, the material being very clieap. On 

 these they place deer hides or nowadays cowhides which 

 serve both as a meeting place and a bed. If it is cold 

 they cover themselves with their mantles. During the 

 day they usually roll up the hides or put mats over them 

 in order that they may be used as seats. . . . The Guay- 

 eurii did not take up the custom of using hammocks. 



or any other kind of bed above the ground. [Ibid., vol. 1, 

 p. 272.] 



Sanchez Labrador describes the eating habits 

 of the Mbaya, as follows : 



If their food is something solid such as the flesh of 

 deer, wild pig, manioc roots, or something similar, a cut- 

 lass is used as a knife. If they have none, they divide the 

 food and immediately take it up with their hands. 



When the food is ready and it is palm flour, they put it 

 in a pan which is called ginogo. In these the food is 

 .served to those who want to eat it. The table is the floor 

 with no other tablecloth but a hide or the straw of the 

 shed. Instead of a spoon they use a kind of a straight 

 shell about four fingers wide called lapidi. With this 

 they eat porridge and as they do not dirty their hands 

 they do not wash them on these occasions. [Ibid., vol. 1, 

 p. 274.] 



Sanchez Labrador also describes the Mbaya as 

 being very fond of "chicha," an alcoholic beverage 

 made from wild honey. Drinking, he says, is a 

 ceremony in which many men take jjart : 



When the material is ready and the bodies are prepared 

 by fasting the ceremony begins at sunset and lasts for 24 

 hours. While the guests drink, a trumpet is played . . . 

 this trumpet being nothing more than a cow"s horn or a 

 large gourd . . . just like trumpets which boys make. . . . 

 The way in which the drink is served is as follows : Every- 

 one receives either a bowl or calabash fuU of "chicha."' 

 They all sit in a circle. A woman serves the drinks. 

 They drink as long as they can and talk even more than 

 they drink. [Ibid., vol. 2, p. 4.] 



Men wore skirts of cotton material decorated 

 with shell disks. During ceremonial occasions 

 and on war parties they added a jaguar-skin 

 jacket over the sleeveless shirt. Women wore a 

 piece of cloth much like a diaper which passed be- 

 tween the legs and was fastened at the waist. Both 

 sexes wore a cotton blanket or mantle during cold 

 weather. Both men and women cut their hair, the 

 form depending upon the social position of the 

 individual. Men wore labrets made from wood or 

 bone. Both men and women wore necklaces made 

 from seeds, shell disks, the teeth of animals, or of 

 feathers. Leg bands of featherwork were worn 

 below the knees by men. With the coming of the 

 Spaniards, silver and even gold were used for 

 decorating belts and ear pendants. 



LIFE CYCLE 



Mbaya boys, according to Sanchez Labrador, 

 went through initiation rites on reaching puberty : 



Lads between 12 and 16 have their own ceremony, which 

 is a rehearsal to become men. The one who wants to leave 



