60 



INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY — PUBLICATION NO. 9 



the Paraguayan ports or, at present, to the man- 

 ajrer of the Post. 



Agriculture is a decidedly secondary source of 

 food. Around their houses the men and women 

 cultivate manioc, maize, sweet potatoes, squashes, 

 bananas, mangoes, and a little rice and sugarcane. 

 For working in the fields belonging to the Post they 

 sometimes receive a part of the produce. The 

 lands around Alves de Bari-os consist of rich black 

 soil, well watered and well drained, and produce 

 much better crops than the lands occupied by the 

 Terena. In spite of this the Caduveo have not yet 

 taken to agriculture as a principal occupation. 

 The land is first cleared of trees and undergrowth, 

 which, after it has dried, is burnt, the ashes being 

 scattered over the field. The ground is then hoed, 

 after which the seeds are planted. The planting 

 periods are the same as amcmg the Terena. 



In addition to the sale of hides and skins, pots 

 and baskets, money income is derived from day 

 labor for the Post at 10 cruzeiros per day. Usually 

 this does not amount to more than 300 to 500 cru- 

 zeiros (U. S. $15 to $i25) jier year. Wage work on 

 the fazendas is on a different basis from that among 

 the Terena. As we have seen, many of the Terena 

 spend a few months each year working outside the 

 reservation. The Caduveo, on the other hand, re- 

 main away at work for several j'ears and then 

 return to live on the reservation, often never re- 

 turning to work on fazendas. Thus it can be said 

 that outside wages do not contribute directly to 

 the money income of the Caduveo villages, as the 

 workers when away spend most, if not all, of the 

 money they earn. 



The Caduveo, todaj', own a few horses and some 

 of them own a small luunber of cattle. Although 

 the reservation is ideally suited for cattle keeping 

 the Caduveo have not become stockkeepers. Early 

 records state that the Caduveo. along with the other 

 Guaicurii tribes, once possessed great numbers of 

 horses. Today, however, the Caduveo have only 

 one or two horses per family, just enough for hunt- 

 ing and traveling. Some families do not have 

 horses but use heifers and bullocks for riding, the 

 animal being guided by reins fastened to a nose 

 ring. The saddle is made of two rolls of banana 

 fiber fastened together so as to fall on each side 

 of the animal's spine. Stirrups are not used with 

 this type of saddle. 



In summary we can say that Caduveo economy 

 is based on hunting, fishing, and rudimentary agri- 

 culture. Money income is derived from the sale 

 of hides and skins, pottery, basketry, and from ir- 

 regular wage work, this being si)ent on cloth, am- 

 munition, mate tea, and cane rum. In contrast 

 to the Terena, the Caduveo are poor. Their houses 

 are not well made, their food sujjply, which de- 

 pends primarily on the fortunes of hunting, ranges 

 from scarcity to plenty. Their cash income is defi- 

 nitely less than that of the Terena. All this in spite 

 of the fact that they live in an area richer in re- 

 sources than that occupied by the Terena. 



KINSHIP TERMINOLOGY 



In the grandparents' generation there are two 

 terms which are extended to siblings of grand- 

 parents l)oth maternal and paternal and to their 

 spouses. These two terms are inclueudi (grand- 

 father) and iainit (grandmother). 



In the parental generation the referential term 

 eiodi ( father) is extended to father's brothers, and 

 the referential term eiodo (mother) is extended 

 to mother's sisters. In addition, there are the 

 vocative terms lotada (father) and cadcde 

 (mother), which can also be used to designate 

 older men and women. Father's sister is termed 

 ycachitdi), and m()tliei''s brother is termed 

 in-echudi. 



In ego's generation, man speaking, older brother 

 is termed eopi and younger brother UocJwchi, 

 while sisters are designated by one term, inluaJo. 

 In addition, there is a general term for brothers, 

 inuchtiu. All these terms are extended to parallel 

 and cross cousins, both on the father's and mother's 

 side. A woman desigiuites her brothers and male 

 parallel and cross cousins by one term iruigiurat, 

 but she distinguishes older sister, Uiulralut, from 

 younger sister, ilochoche. These terms are ex- 

 tended to her female parallel and cross cousins. 

 She may also use the term imichua to designate all 

 her sisters and female parallel and cross cousins. 



A man designates his own and his brother's 

 cliildren by the terms yon^gi (son) and yonat 

 (daughter). Sister's children are termed iJedi 

 (nephew) and Iniuilo (niece). AMien a woman 

 speaks she tei-ms her sister's children yonegi and 

 yonat and her brother's children iledi and inualo. 



Grandchildren are distinguished by sex, a 



