BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 45 



2. tx always simplifies to s, t!x to ^s. Whether the combination tx 

 really spontaneously developed into s it is naturally impossible to 

 say ; all that can safely be stated is that, where we should by mor- 

 phologic analogy expect t-\-x, this combination as such never appears, 

 but is replaced by s. Examples are numerous: 



lebe'sa^ she sews {=lebe't-xa^); cf., for -t' of stem, lebeY she 



sewed it, for suffix -xa^, loho'xa^ she pounds 

 sgelewa'lsi he shouts to me ( =sgelewa'ld-xi) ; cf. sgelewa'lda^n I 



shout to him 

 daHhodoba' sa^n they pull out each other's hair, with reduplicated 



stem hodohad- + x- 

 xdH'he'^'^Vfhagams it is all tied together (=-fhagamt-x); cf. 



xdH'bd'^gamda^n I tie it together 

 Jiansgo'^^s he cut across, lay over (road) ( =-sgd'H!-x) ; cf . 



Tiansgd'Hlan I shall cut it across 



This change of tx to s is brought about constantly in the course of 

 word-formation, and will be incidentally exemplified more than once 

 in the morphology. 



3. sx simplifies to s, ts!x (=^sx) to ^s. Examples are: 



yimi's'a^ he dreams ( =yimi's'-xa^, with suffix -xa^ as in lobo'xa^ 



above 

 Jia-uhana'^s it stopped (raining) i=*-]iana'^sx, stem Jianats!- + 



-x) 



§ 21. DISSIMILATION OF n TO /AND m 



If a (generally) final ri of a stem is immediately followed, or, less 

 commonly, preceded by, a suffix containing a nasal, it dissimilates 

 to I. The following examples have been found : 



yalalanaY you lost it (cf. ydlnanada'^ you will lose it, with n 



preserved because it forms a consonant-cluster with Z) 

 Tia-gwdH-a'm in the road (cf . gwdn road) 



Dulala'm Grant's Pass (probably =over[c??>-] the rocks [^aV]) 

 xdHa'mt'Y my urine ; xala'xamte^ I urinate (cf . xdn urine) 

 ha-is'in-xi'lik!wi^n I blow my nose, with I due to -n of prefix 



s'in- nose (cf. xln mucus) 

 S'inp'i'l^s flat-nosed, alongside of s'inp^i'n^s 



The possibility of a doublet in the last example shows that the 

 prefix S'in- is not as thoroughly amalgamated with the rest of the 

 word as are the suffixes; probably, also, the analogy of forms in -pHn^s 

 with other prefixes not containing an n would tend to restore an 

 anomalous-sounding s'infi'Ps to -'p'i'n^s. 



§ 21 



