'boas] handbook op INDIAN LANGUAGES — TAKELMA 69 



the intransitive in -xa-. This is done by the suffixed element -gw- 

 HAViNG, ATTENDED BY. The grammatical object of a transitive verb 

 in -gw- is never the logical object of the action, but always dependent 

 upon the comitative idea introduced by this suffix. Hence the sec- 

 ond form is not provided with a true instrumental (with a pestle), 

 but takes the logical instrument (noxwa^) as a direct object, while 

 the I- is best rendered by in the hand; to translate literally, the 

 form really means i pound having a pestle in the hand. 



It sometimes happens that a verb form has two instrumental, 

 one, generally i- with the hand, expressing indefinite or remote 

 instrumentahty, the second, a noun or demonstrative, expressing the 

 actual instrument by means of which the action is accompHshed. In 

 such cases the second instrument is expressed outside of the verb- 

 complex, but may be represented in the verb by the incorporated wa 

 WITH IT following the first instrumental element (i-). Examples of 

 such double instrumentals are: 



gwalV hd'^-H-wa-xo'H'i wind he-up-hand-with-it-caused-them-to- 



fall, i. e., he caused them to fall by means of a wind (that he 



made go up) 168.2 

 ga H-wa-molo^Tna'Thi that she-hand-with-it-stirs-it-up, i. e., she 



stirs it up with that (incidentally, of course, she uses her hand 



too) 170.16 

 dan (object) h'.ama (instr.) p!ai-H-wa-sgd'^¥sgigi^n rocks tongs 



down-hand-with-it-pick-up, i. e., I pick up the rocks with the 



tongs (and put them) down 



2. The noun as instrument has been shown to act in a maimer 

 entirely analogous to the instrumental body-part prefix. The latter 

 can, without phonetic change, become the direct object of the verb 

 by occupying the proper position: 



s'in-i-latslagi'^n I touched his nose with my hand (s'in- nose) 

 but, theoretically at least, 



l-s'in-latslagi'^n I touched his hand with my nose 

 If we bear in mind that such elements as s*in- and %- are really nothing 

 but nouns in their stem form (with possessive pronoun: s-in-l-x-da 

 HIS nose; I'-u-x-da his hand), the parallelism with such noun- 

 objects as hem and gwan (see examples on p. 65) becomes complete. 

 The fact that they may occur independently, while s'in- and l- 

 never do, is really irrelevant to the argument, as a body-part noun 

 must necessarily be associated with some definite person. Entirely 



§ 35 



