BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 87 



Of these, the first five belong to the first group, the last nine to the 

 second. The position of lia°-^- and me^- is somewhat doubtful; but 

 the fairly evident etymological connection of the former with hd^^ya 

 and the correlative relation in form and meaning between me^- and 

 he^^-, make it probable that they are to be classed with the first 

 group. While some of these prefixes (such as dal- and Jian-) are 

 inconceivable as separate adverbial elements, others (particularly 

 aba-i, which is apparently composed of demonstrative element a- 

 THis + ha-i) are on the border-land between true prefix and inde- 

 pendent adverb, me^- and he^^-, though they are never used alone, 

 stand in close etymological relation to a number of local adverbs 

 (such as eme^ here and ge there), which also, though not so rigidly 

 as to justify their being termed prefixes, tend to stand before the 

 verb. The difference between local prefix and adverb is one of 

 degree rather than of fundamental morphologic traits; in any case, 

 it is rather artificial to draw the line between me^- in such forms as 

 me^yeU come back! and ge in, e. g., ge ^yowo'^ there it is. Sometimes, 

 though not frequently, two local prefixes, neither of them a body-part 

 element, occur in a single verb form. See, e. g., p.'ai-Jiau- under 2 

 below, also ahai-bd"'- 62.1. 



1. han- THROUGH, across: 



h&nyadaH' e^ I swim across 

 h.&ngwidi^V'^ he threw it across 120.22 

 ha,n^wa^alxl'^¥ he looked through it 

 ha-nyewe'^^ he went back across 178.16 



gwdn-h&nsgd'^sde^ I lie stretched across the trail (literally, I- 

 road-across-cut) (148.8) 



2. ha-u- under, down: 



h.a,-ugwenyut!u'yidi^n I swallow it down greedily, making grunting 



noise (126.10) 

 ha-usa^'"" he paddled him down river Q)d°'- up river) 

 hsb-uyowoH'e^ I sweat (literally, I-under-am) 

 ei p!a-ih.a,'-ufgu^px canoe upset 60.8 

 h.a,-u7iana'^s it stopped (raining) 196.8 



3. /le*"^- OFF, away: 



heHleme^F he killed them off 14.13; 110.21; 144.6 

 he^'sgo^'da'n I cut it off (44.4); 72.10; (92.14,16) 

 he^^gwidW^ he threw it away 

 he^HuVwa he went away from him (23.12; 146.18) 

 he^^salfgunfgini^n I kick him off (24.17) 



§ 37 



