128 



BUEFAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 40 



Non-repetitive veri>stem 



lebe- pick up and eat (seeds) 



Repetitive 



le'^p'lap' (non-aorist) pick 

 and eat many (seeds) ! 34.2 



lolio'lahana^n I used to kill 

 them 



wogowa'^V many arrived 112.2 



{wa^-i-t!oxo't!ixi^n I used to 

 gather them 

 wa^-l-doxda'xV they have been 

 gathering them (inferential) 

 Jiene'lianda^n I always used to 



wait for him 

 odo'^at' she always hunted for 



them 116.6 

 ogo'^aVi he always gave them 



112.17 

 do^mda^mV he used to kill 

 them (inferential) 25.1; 

 27.15 

 wiyiwife^ I used to go (there) 



(96.1) 

 plaga'pIa^V he used to swim 

 xa^-l-ts' Hwl'Hs- lau he split it 



to pieces 

 sgi^^p'sga'p'gam they had been 



all cut up (21.2; 138.7) 

 lie^^-l-huTulial he kept peeling 



off bark (160.5) 

 Tiogo'haVde^ I am always run- 

 ning 

 Tiele'haV he used to sing 

 al-huyu^M^x he always hunted 

 {-M- = -liay-, §8) 86.1 

 It will be observed that the repetitive form is, on the whole, 

 built up on the verbal base, not the verb or aorist stem. Thus, 

 e. g., the verb-stems lehe- and loho- do not enter into the formation 

 of the frequentatives at all, which are formed, according to Type 

 13a, directly from the simple bases leh- (verb-stem le^p'ldb-, aorist 

 lebelah-) and loJi- (verb-stem lohlah-, aorist loholah-). Similarly, a 

 form like plaga'pla^Y shows no trace of the aorist stem p.'agai- 

 of the simplex ; verbs of Type 6 generally show the f ortis consonant 

 of the base in all forms of the frequentative (see §40, 6) : sgotlo'sgidi^n 

 I CUT IT TO PIECES (144.2) (cf. sgo'Ma^n i cut it 72.10, base sgot!- 

 § 43 



l6ho-n- cause to die 



wog- arrive 

 (tloxox- (aorist) gather 



[do'^x- (non-aorist) 



hen-d- wait for 



odo- hunt for 



og- give to 



do^m- kill 



wl^- go, travel 



p.'d'^g- swim 

 ts'!iu-d- split 



sglp!- cut 



hul-p!- skin, peel off bark 



liog- run 



lieH- sing 

 al-hui-x- hunt 



