132 BUEEAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 



Aorist stem ■ Repetitive 



ts!aya-m- hide tslaya-ima'^n I always hide it 



(134.8) 

 gini-g go to ginln¥ they went there one 



after another 46.11 

 mats lag- put matsldsga they always put it 



away 132.9 

 wits'Iim- move wits'Hsmade^ I keep moving 



sgelew- shout sgelelfe^ (see § 18) I keep 



shouting (59.3) 

 hiwiliw- run to liiwilllt'e^ (see § 18) I keep 



running 



The verb yewei- return seems to form its frequentative according 

 to method 4, but with added -g-: 



yewe'oY he used to come back 47.4; 116.2; yeweogaY you used 

 to come back ; yeweo'¥de^, yeweuTcde^ ^ I used to come back 



There is not enough material available to determine in every case 

 the non-aoristic forms of the frequentatives of this group. As a gen- 

 eral rule, however, it seems that the non-aoristic stem of the frequen- 

 tative is formed by repeating a consonant or semi-vowel, but in such 

 a manner as to indicate the non-aoristic simplex back of it. Thus the 

 frequentative of the inferential ts'lalmV he hid it is ts'.'a-imlk' he 

 WAS ALWAYS HIDING IT; of &iZ[d]wfc' HE JUMPED 160.17 it is hUwoUc 

 (? = *hilwalwJc') THEY ALWAYS JUMPED 160.16. From gai¥ (inferential) 

 HE ATE IT 142.19 is formed gayalk' (if really inferential in form; per- 

 haps third person subject aorist gayaig- in contrast to -gaydiw of other 

 persons, see above) he used to eat it 54.6, which, though resembling 

 the aorist in the repetition of the stem-vowel, differs from it, probably 

 for phonetic reasons, in the absence of the -w-. The form wits'le's- 

 made^ he will keep moving, given as the future of wits-.'ismade^, 

 can not, for w^ant of parallel forms, be accounted for. From sgdHw-. 

 non-aorist of sgalaw-, is formed the frequentative sgalw-alw- (perhaps 

 according to Type 8, Iw- being a consonatic unit) . 



5. Vowel lengthening. Many verbs, particularly such as be- 

 long to Type 2, obtain a usitative signification by merely lengthening 

 the short repeated vowel of the stem, this vowel, when stressed, as- 

 suming the falling accent. Examples of this simple process are : 



I It is not at all certain that the -o- (-?t-) of these forms really represents the -w- of the stem. It is 

 quite probable that there is a distinct type of frequentative in repealed vowel+-og-, in which case ivagao'- 

 k'na^n i used to biung it (see above under 1) would be another example. 



§ 43 



