134 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 



7. v+lha. It is very probable that the verbs that belong here 

 contain the continuative -l- treated under the head of petrified suffixes 

 (see § 42, 9). The formula may then be considered morphologically 

 identical with that listed as method 5, except that the continuative 

 -I- is introduced before the -Jia. Examples of this group are : 



Aorist (or verb) stem Repetitive 



t.'oxox- gather wa-H-tloxollii^n I always gather 



them 

 ha^-feklelhixia'^^ they all 

 ,7 _ , 7 , emerged 60.11 



{ha--t e-k!-x emerge) \oa--VeTc!mxde^ I keep emergmg 



(60.14) 

 {sgij>!- cut) xa-H-sgipUlM he cut them all 



through 26.11 

 hloflclad- break xa-H-ya"'-k!oddllii he always just 



broke them in two 29.1 

 {al-xik!- see) dl-xik!iThi^n I used to see him 



gwidiQc'^d)- throw gwidllha he kept throwing it 



(164.11) 

 Qolc!- trap) loklolha he was always trapping 



them 78.4; 100.4 

 The non-aoristic forms of these frequent atives dispense with the re- 

 peated vowel {v) characteristic of the aorist, so that the introduction 

 of an inorganic -a'- is necessitated : 



gwida'lhan I shall keep throwing it 

 al-xik Ja'lhiV I used to see him (inferential) 

 The remarks made under method 1 in regard to the formation of 

 frequentatives directly from the verb-stem rather than the aorist 

 stem apply also here (sgotlolha 108.8 from verb-stem sgot!- cur, 

 aorist sgo^d-, like sgotlo'sgaV). 



8. v-{-iv-\-v-\-lha. Only two verbs have been found that follow 

 this very irregular formula for the frequentative : 



Simplex Repetitive 



y^ , 1 I OK o 1 fZawa'ZAip' always become! (78.5) 



iobv become! Zo.z \ 177—7 /77 • 7 <■ i -i 



i-ni-\-j.\. ^<^^f [dalioxa Lawa ihida^ whenever it 



laHe^ it became 22.7 , • . . . ^o ^ 



' I became evening 44.1; 78.6 



ligigwa'^n I fetch (game) liwi'Thagwa^n I always come 

 home (70.3,5; 164.4) home with (game) (136.2) 



The latter of these shows at the same time an unaccountable loss of 

 the -g- of the stem; the future of the simplex, ll^gwa'n, probably does 

 not exhibit an absolute loss of the -g-, but rather a contraction of 

 U^g-gw- to Wgw-. 

 § 43 



