BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 151 



8 falls out before the -xa-, also an indirective d (including the ~d- of 

 -[a]md-, [ajld; a fiijal radical -d-, however, unites with -xa- to form 

 -sa-). Verbs of Type 5 employ not the aorist, but the verb-stem, 

 in the aorist of the -xa- derivative (cf. the parallel phenomenon in 

 the formation of the frequentative, § 43, 1 and 6; for exceptions see 

 § 40, 5), inserting the repeated stem-vowel between the fortis conso- 

 nant of the stem and the suffix; -xa- derivatives of Type 5 verbs 

 thus belong to Type 2. For the vocalism of the stem of -xa- forms, 

 see § 31, 5. Verbs in -xa- of Types 2 and 3 regularly have a short 

 second stem vowel, even if the quantity in the primitive verb is long; 

 this short vowel may, however, be secondarily lengthened, with fall- 

 ing accent, to express a frequentative idea. In non-aorist forms the 

 stress tends to fall on the -xa-. Verbs in -xa- can be formed, of 

 course, only from transitives, and, although in form they are strictly 

 intransitive, they always logically imply an object. Examples of 

 -xa- are: 



lubu'xsi^ she pounded 16.9; i-lvf 'p'K.&gwanY she will pound having 



it (pestle) 55.10 (aorist transitive loho^p' she pounded them 



16.9) 

 tllHa'mxsde^ I went fishing {tHHa'mda^n I fished for them) 

 Tcld'^wa'nxaf she sifts 57.15 (Jk!d°-wa'nda^n I sift acorn meal [16.10]) 

 daV-felcIe'xsi^ he smokes 96.23 (Type 5 daV-fe'^gi^n I give him 



to smoke [170.13]) 

 p!ele'xa.^he beat off (bark) 55.6 (plahah- chop [90.11]) 

 lebe'sa^de^ I sew (Jiebeda'^n I sew it) 



sgut.'u'xsi^ he is cutting 92.2 (Type 5 aorist sgo'^d- 72.10) 

 al-xik H'xa,^ he looked around 102.12 (Type 5 aorist al-xl^g- 124.8) 

 luk!u'x&,^ he traps (Type 5 aorist lo^g""- 78.5) ; future lu'^x^d^gwa- 



dinin I shall trap for him 

 wd'^-Tiimi'xsde^ I was talking to somebody (wd°'-Jiimida'^n I talked 



to him [59.16]) 

 daV-da-Tiele'lialxdde^ I alwavs answer {daV-da-lidHi'^n I answer 



him [146.14]) 

 daV-liene'xs,^ he waits; future daV-TienxsJi^e^ I shall wait {da¥- 



hene^da'^n I wait for him) 

 yimi's-&^{= -s*-xaO he dreams; future yims'affe^; imperative 



yims'a!^ 



In Jc.'eme'nxsde^ i was making, working (future Jclemxaffe^) the 

 loss of the -n- in the non-aorist forms (cf. lilemna'n i shall make it 

 [28.14]) may be due to a purely phonetic cause (see § 11) 



§ 53 



