152 BUEEAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 



§ 54. Reflexive -gwi- 



The final consonant of the aorist stem of some' verbs of Type 8 is 

 eclipsed, with lengthening of preceding vowel, also before the reflex- 

 ive -gwi- (see § 40, 8), in the case of others it is preserved. Where 

 the -gwi- reflexive is derived from indirect transitives in -d- (-amd-, 

 -gwadan-), there is often practically no difference in signification 

 between it and the indirect reflexive -gwa-. Examples of -gwi- are : 



t!omdk.'wide^ I kill myself (from tlomom-) 



al-yehe'p'gwif he showed himself (yebeh-) 



al-xl'^k'wiV he looked at himself 



plagdnk'wide^ I bathed (literally, I caused myself to bathe; 



cf. p!agd°"na'^n I bathe him) 

 seHa^mfgwide^ I shall paint myself {seHa'mdan I shall paint him) 

 (fgwaxdtk'wide^ I tattooed myself {fgwaxdi he tattooed him) 

 [fgwd'^xa'nfgwide^ I shall tattoo myself ( = for myself) 

 i-gis'iga's'gwide^ I tickle myself 

 al-wa-ts!eyek.'wide^ I washed myself with it 

 dd°'-delega'mfgwide^ { = dd°'-dele''p^gwa^n) I pierce my ears 

 {yuV) Jclemenk'wif they made themselves (strong) 27.12 

 xuma ogolh'wide^ I give food to myself ( = I food-give myself) 

 i-lesgi'k'wide^ 1 shall touch myself 



Before the imperative endings -p', -p'anp' tho reflexive suffix be- 

 comes lengthened to -gwl^-: 



IcIefgwVp' ^ pick them for yourself ! 



de^gwa'WgwY-p'anp take care of yourselves! 126.20; (128.24) 



The reflexive of naga- say to is irregular in that is is formed not 

 from the transitive stem, but from the corresponding intransitive 

 nagai- say: nagalFwif he said to himself 104.1 (cf. nagalk'wa, §62). 



§ 55. Reciprocal^ " " \-an- 



The -X- and -s- preceding the characteristic reciprocal -an- (umlauted 

 -in- ) suffix are nothing but the connective consonant of direct and in- 

 direct transitive verbs respectively, the choice in the reciprocal form 

 between the two depending entirely upon which is used in the cor- 

 responding simple transitive. A difference, however, in the use of 

 this -X- (-S-) between the transitive and reciprocal is found in so far 

 as in the latter it appears with a third as well as first and second 



' Indirect reflexive (for oneself) in signification, though without indirective suffix of any kind. The 

 form is thus analogous to such as k'edhisi mentioned above (see §59). That the reflexive action is 

 thought of as indirective in character seems to be indicated by the ablaut of the stem (k.'dad-) ; see §31, 6. 



§§ 54-55 



