BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 163 



loploY^ it rains 90.1, 2 (yet lopIodaY you are raining 198.9; 



lop'da'H' it will rain; lop'da^x to rain, § 74, 1) 

 Jhdx it burns 98.1 (yet liaxa'H' it will burn) 



Several intransitive Class I usitatives seem to lack the catch of the 

 third person aorist also : 



ginin¥ he always went to 46.11 (from gini'^Y he went to) 

 witdlsma he keeps moving (from vntcH'^m he moves 148.12) 

 yeweo^V he is wont to return 47.4; 116.2 (yet yeweoga'f you are 

 wont to return) 



No explanation can be given of this irregularity. 



The inferential endings, as has been already remarked, are iden- 

 tical for all classes of verbs, so that the following applies to Class II 

 intransitives and to transitives as well as to Class I intransitives. 

 The mode-sign -¥ is added directly to the final vowel or consonant 

 of the verb-stem (or stem with its added derivative and pronominal 

 object suffixes) without connecting a. All combinations of conso- 

 nants are here allowed that are at all possible as syllabically final 

 clusters (see § 16) ; indeed some of the final consonant clusters, as 

 -sic', -p'k\ -np'Tc', -lp'¥, hardly occur, if at all, outside the inferential. 

 If the resulting consonant combination would be phonetically impos- 

 sible an inorganic a is introduced between the two consonants that 

 precede the inferential -¥; secondary diphthongs with raised accent 

 may thus arise : 



Tc!ema^n¥ he made it (verb-stem l:!emn-) 



hila'ulc he jumped 160.17 (verb-stem hilw-) 

 Double diphthongs are often allowed to stand unaltered before -Y 

 (e.g.,oinZ:'HE GAVE them; also imperative oin give them!) ; sometimes 

 doublets, with double diphthong or with inorganic a, are found (e. g., 

 tslalmk' or tslaya'mTc he hid it; also passive participle is.'aim^afc'"' 

 hidden, but tslaya'm hide it! tsleya'mxi hide me! ts!aya'mxam¥ he 

 HID us [158.7]). With a final -g- or -gvj- the inferential -¥ unites 

 to form -¥ or -¥'^, but with lengthening of the preceding vowel; 

 -k!--\--¥ becomes -^^¥. Examples are: 



Tie^nak'^ { = -a'gw-¥) he consumed them (cf. 48.10); but he^na^Y^ 



consume them! 

 wa-yanak'^ { = yana^-gw-¥) he ran after them 98. 10; but wd- 



yana'Y^ run after them! 



' This form can not possibly have been misheard for *lop.'o'H', the form to be expected, as the subor- 

 dinate is lop.'ot'a^, not *lop!6'uda^, which would be required by a *lop.'o'H' (see §70). 



§ 60 



