206 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 



syllable immediately preceding the suffix, in which case an inorganic 

 -li- generally appears before the -a-; -haF^ is also regularly used with 

 preceding fortis (see § 19). It is not unlikely that the suffix is organ- 

 ically -y^a^'"', the -ha- implying continuity (see § 43, 5). Instrumental 

 passives in -i¥^, on the other hand, are generally accented, with raised 

 pitch, on the -i- of the suffix. For example, dUmhaV'" (always) 



KILLED or STRUCK PERSON, but Wa-dil^mW "^ THING WITH WHICH ONE 



KILLS (literally, killed- with thing). Inasmuch as -F"^- participles, 

 differing in this respect from active participles in -f, are distinctly nom- 

 inal in character, they may be provided with possessive suffixes; e. g., 

 dumhaV'^-deY my struck one. Forms thus arise which, like -f -par- 

 ticiples supplemented by forms of ei- be, have independent predicative 

 force. What we have seen to apply to -^'-participles, however, in 

 regard to particularity of action, applies with equal if not greater force 

 to predicatively used passives in -fc'". While a sentence like %'daga 

 tlomoma'n {ddm¥am) that one was slain, with finite passive, 

 implies the fulfillment of a single act, a sentence whose predicate is 

 supplied by a passive participle (like %'daga dumhaY'^ that one is 

 [ regularly] slain, struck) necessarily refers to habitual or regularly 

 continued activity: I'daga dUmJia¥''de^F that one is my (regu- 

 larly) STRUCK ONE thus approaches in signification the finite 

 frequentative i'daga tlomo'amda^n that one i (always) strike, 

 but differs radically in signification from both %'daga tlomoma'^n 

 I killed that one and I'daga domf elt'e^ i am one that has killed 



THAT ONE. 



Examples of -V'^- participles are: 



gwen-sgyf^H' 6k'^ (those) with their necks cut off (21.2, 4, 5) 

 xa-l-sgl'^^p'sgihik''^ (bodies) cut in two 21.2; 22.3 

 (mt*) gela'p'ok'"^ ^ something which is (already) twisted 

 gUhaY^ na^ne^x like something planted, sown 

 'wa^-%-duxik''^dek' I have been gathering them (literally, my 



gathered ones) 

 daP-wa-pu'tliY^ (manzanita) mixed with (sugar-pine nuts) 178.5 

 fan fgwll guf6k'^da°' squirrel has beeii burying (go^d-) hazel- 

 nuts (literally, squirrel hazel-nuts [ are] his-buried-ones)^ 

 seVak'^^de^V I (always) shoot (sd'^g-) him (literally, my shot one) 

 mlla' sliaY^deV I love her (literally, my loved one) 



1 Cf. galaha'^n I twist it; -a'- above is inorganic, hence unpalatalized to -e-. 



^fgwll (hazel-nuts) is tlie grammatical subject; gut'ok'udai predicates the subject; fan (squirrel) is 

 outside the main core of the sentence, being merely in apposition with the incorporated -daa (his) of the 

 nominal predicate. 



§ 77 



