230 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 



The pre-pronominal element -x- is in some words appended directly 

 to the stem or stem + derivational sufRx; in others j to one of the 

 noun-characteristics -{a)n, -i, and -u (never -a) . A considerable num- 

 ber of words may or may not have the -x- after their characteristic; 

 a few show variation between -a- and -x-; and but a very small 

 number have -x- with or without preceding characteristic (e. g., gel-x-, 

 gel-gan-, and gel-gan-x- breast) . Examples of -x- without preceding 

 characteristic are: 



f^a^r-ax- head 1 90.12, 13; 116.8; 188.4, 5 (incorporated (ZaZ:'-) 



sal-x- foot 120.18 (incorporated sal-) 



gwel-x.- leg 15.15; 86.18; 122.10; 160.17 (incorporated form 



gwel-) 

 (Ze*-x- lips (incorporated (Ze^-) 186.18 

 gwen-Tia-u-x- nape (incorporated gwen-lia-u-) 

 ei-x.- canoe (absolute el) 

 di^mo-x- hips (incorporated dl^rao-) 

 liugw-six- face 



hoYdan-x- neck (absolute ho'Vdan) 

 Tid'^n-x.-^ brothers 136.7 



Rather more common than nouns of this type seem to be ex- 

 amples of -X- with preceding characteristic, such as have been 

 already given in treating of the noun-characteristics. A few body- 

 part nouns in -x- seem to be formed from local third personal pos- 

 sessive forms {-da) ; e. g., di/^alda-x-deY my forehead from dl'^alda 

 AT HIS FOREHEAD (but also dP%H-f¥ with first personal singular pos- 

 sessive ending directly added to stem or incorporated form dl^^al-) ; 

 da-k!olo'ida-x-deV my cheek is evidently quite parallel in formation. 

 Body-part nouns with pre-pronominal -x- end in tliis element when, 

 as sometimes happens, they occur absolutely (neither incorporated 

 nor provided with personal endings). Examples of such forms fol- 

 low: 



Tiaux woman's private parts 130.19 

 da'gax head 

 yu'lilalx teeth 57.4 

 dayawa'ntHxi Hu'x other hand 86.13 

 gwelx dayawa'ntHxi other leg 86.18 



i-oi- contains inorganic -a-, and is not to be analyzed as characteristic -a- + -i- (parallel to -i- + -i-). 

 This is shown by forms in which -i- regularly disappears; e. ^.,dak'-de over me (not *dag-a-ie as parallel 

 to -sin-i-de). 



2 Perhaps with pluralic -i- as in hmp-x- childben, p. 225. 



§ 89 



