726 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BOLL. 40 



In some cases the singular form is used when we should expect the 

 phinil: 



Enqa'n gittile'ti nine'l-i-um there I give to those who are hungry 



96.24 (cf. 96.9, 12, 17). 

 Enqa'n oraioeLat these men 63.5 



Enqa'n JJmqdqdi'inti these people of Umqaqai 63.10 

 Erqa'n ni'rdq ora'weLot these two men 7.10 

 The corresponding forms of the personal interrogative who, some- 

 body, and of the Kanichadal impersonal interrogative, are — 



Examples: 



me'nin um elo! who is (3'our) mother? 113.14 



mi'lcin yaarkine'iki Icanci'irgm whose lullaby are you singing? 



120.14 

 mi'kind ganto'len by whom born? 142.1 



In Kamchadal the form corresponding to the stem mile- signifies 

 the inanimate interrogative. 



Nominal forms of the plural, when appearing with suffixes, have, 

 instead of the regular plural, forms compounded with the third person 

 plural personal pronoun (see p. 706). 



In Chukchee we find also rna'lcrrgin, pi. ma'larginte, whose house's, 

 WHOSE family's; related to the Koryak stem male-, and formed with 

 the stem -Evg of the personal pronoun third person plural (see § 44). 

 These particles doubled, and connected by um, are also used as ex- 

 clamations. 



nan um nan! you there! na'an um nan 95. 35 yonder 

 vai um vai! halfwa}^ there! 

 noon u?n noon! far otf there! 

 They occur in the same way with interrogative pronouns. 

 me'nin nan ye'tirlcinf who comes there? 

 rd^'nun not wurre'erlcinf what is visible behind there? 

 mi'Tikri rai ne'lhi^f how then became he? 29.7 

 mi'nkrl not a^qa-ras-qe'um-va'lit? why! those are bad ones to 

 §58 pass! 130.3 



