6 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 194 



had some misgivings as to whether it would be possible to relate 

 lineages and household groups to the three former villages at Knife 

 River, but I found that informants were more certain of the old 

 village ties than of actual clan membership. I had to rely on moiety 

 membership for some individuals whose precise clan membership 

 was not known. 



The genealogies were further extended as the study progressed 

 and additional informants were used. Constant reference was made 

 to them throughout the field study period. They provided me with 

 precise information on the inheritance of sacred bundles, bundle 

 complexes, and rights — often at variance with the ideal patterns — 

 and indicated that certain ceremonies or age-grade societies were 

 found only at certain villages. Differences in village clan systems 

 were also determined by these genealogical records. They were 

 especially valuable in ascertaining changing trends in intervillage 

 marriage between clans while living iu the old villages and ultra- 

 village marriages after the survivors united at Fishhook Village. 

 It was further established that intervillage marriage and marriage 

 with the Mandan or other tribes was virtually nonexistent prior 

 to the building of Fishhook Village in 1845 and common with the 

 Mandan, but rarely with the Arikara, after that date. With this 

 information at hand it was possible to view in brief outline most of 

 the important sacred bundle systems even before investigating the 

 details of the associated rituals. 



At the time this study was made, there were many more old Hidatsa 

 men and women than were interviewed. Some, whose parents had not 

 been important leaders and who were not from households owning 

 important bundle rites, were not used in the investigation. Access- 

 ability in the reservation was also an important factor. Where 

 several shared unique information, I tended to go into great detail 

 with one informant and merely recheck with another. Informants 

 were both Christian and non-Christian, the latter tending to be more 

 conservative in divulging sacred lore but equally cooperative in 

 routine matters. Even the Christian Indians were not entirely 

 unrestrained in divulging knowledge of their parents' sacred rites. 

 They would speak freely of general matters concerning these bundles; 

 but would sometimes wait for a while before relating the sacred myths 

 and usually did not like to have pictures taken of the sacred bundles. 

 There was a common reluctance to sing any of the sacred songs. 

 Mrs. Good Bear, for instance, was a devout Roman Catholic who 

 attended Mass regularly and who spoke freely with me concerning 

 her deceased husband's and her role in the NaxpikE (Sun Dance) 

 ceremony. She knew all the songs used, but could not be prevailed 

 upon to sing them or repeat the words of the songs. Wolf Chief, 



