108 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 194 



and keep them healthy. He would continue this practice until the 

 son's security was assured by owning sacred bundles of his own. 



It was considered improper for a man to urge a son to participate 

 in sacred rites. This belief stemmed from traditional lore that an 

 individual's role in the sacred rites would be revealed in due time by 

 vision instructions. Hence the father taught by example rather 

 than by direction. At all times the initiative came from the son or 

 his son's older brothers. Although the Hidatsa made little distinc- 

 tion between the father and the father's brother and received instruc- 

 tions from both, it was from one's own father that ceremonial rites 

 were normally obtained, although one was not denied rights to bundles 

 owned by the father's brothers or even husbands of the mother's 

 sisters when the proper vision instructions were received. 



The cultural patterns provided many situations for the extension 

 of this father-son relationship to more distant or attenuated "fathers." 

 A man's closest ties were with his own father if his parents were not 

 divorced. The father's brothers were next in importance. In the 

 purchase of a ceremonial bundle a "ceremonial" father was selected to 

 instruct the "son" and to prepare a new bundle. He was one of the 

 father's clan but rarely of known blood relationship. This selection 

 brought together distant "fathers" and then- relatives, which thereafter 

 increased cooperation between these two groups of relatives. Feasts 

 were given by each group to the otlier and, in the performance of other 

 rites at a later time, the "ceremonial" father's children, now standing 

 in close sibling relationships, were expected to assist. 



A "father" coming upon a "son" who had just killed an animal 

 should be given the choicest pai'ts and the hide without asking. 

 It was expected that he would praise his "son" upon returning to 

 the village, or condemn him if the gift was not a generous one. Since 

 a man's status was raised through his relationships with "fathers," 

 no person hoping to be shown honore and respect would deny a 

 "father" meat even should it mean retm'ning to the village empty- 

 handed. Wishing to save an animal for one's family, it was a more 

 common practice for a man killing an animal and knowing that 

 "fathers" were hunting nearby, to move away from the kill and 

 pretend that the animal had escaped until the meat could be brought 

 to the village undetected. 



It was a man's highest aim to have many "sons" and "daughters" 

 both of his own and through extension of the kinship system; he was 

 then assui'ed of many presents and other honors during his lifetime. 

 He received goods, horses, and the right of ceremonial intercourse 



