Bowers] HIDATSA SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL ORGANIZATION 285 



the Manitaries than the Mandans. Most of the Manitaries have three or four 

 of these weals, in parallel semicircular lines, almost an inch thick, which cover 

 the entire breast. Similar transverse and longitudinal lines, arising from the 

 same cause, are seen upon the arms, nay, the whole length of the limb is often 

 disfigured by them. 



Although supernatural power was usually manifested by visions, 

 it was believed that those who fasted often or performed other power- 

 seeking activities without the benefit of visions also were possessors 

 of this power even though they had no symbols to show for their 

 efforts. Thus a child who fasted often without having visions was 

 believed to' possess more powers than one who had not fasted at aU. 

 Supernatural power was viewed as variable and measurable but the 

 limits were defined in terms of ultimate success; results were what 

 counted. One who purposely sought supernatural power and later 

 performed dangerous acts without injury to himself or those under 

 him was believed to have found a genuine guardian. One would 

 rarely entrust his welfare to those who had shown little interest in 

 obtaining supernatural power. 



Since the vision quest was a common way of obtaining super- 

 natural power, the novice had little capacity for interpreting dreams. 

 Instead, the Hidatsa pattern provided for organized fasting and 

 the quest of visions under the supervision of a ceremonial "father." 

 The young were encouraged to relate their dreams to their "fathers." 



The formal character of Hidatsa fasting resembled closely the 

 Mandan pattern and differed sharply from that of the Crow where 

 fasting was largely an individual matter. Hidatsa fasting efforts 

 were constantly being channeled into formalized and preexisting 

 ceremonial patterns, most of which they beUeved had existed since 

 the beginning of time. It was thought that a male child eventually 

 ought to receive vision instructions to take over his father's cere- 

 monial bundles and rites. Living in the atmosphere of the father's 

 sacred bundles, it was beUeved inevitable that what one saw and 

 heard in the lodge would eventually affect his dreams. Nevertheless 

 it was impossible to learn of a single instance where a youth's first 

 vision was interpreted by his elders as an instruction to perform his 

 father's rites. Those case histories which I recorded indicated that 

 the first dreams of the very young never became an important part 

 of an individual's sacred lore. At the time they were considered 

 valued property but as one pursued further fasting under more severe 

 conditions with greater knowledge of ritual seeking, the early visions 

 were generally forgotten or disregarded as more specific instructions 

 were received. 



The concept of quantitative supernatural power, capable of 

 being added to or subtracted from, was indicated by numerous 



