CHERAN: a sierra TARASCAN village — BEALS 



99 



and speak better." As a matter of fact, the 

 leader of this group is relatively poor. 



The informant who was most class-conscious 

 admitted in casual conversation that the divi- 

 sions existing in the town were essentially the 

 result of individual likes and dislikes and per- 

 sonal ambitions. In this unguarded conversa- 

 tion, he admitted that class and ideological 

 differences were of very little importance. 



To the outside observer, however, the situa- 

 tion is not so simple. Even though class 

 distinctions are of little significance, neverthe- 

 less persons with little or no land who work as 

 laborers or sharecroppers receive much less 

 respect in conversation. It must be admitted, 

 however, that so far as our information and 

 observations went, they are never disparaged 

 to their face. In addition, there are two men 

 who seem to be pariahs to whom no one pays 

 attention. They work as professional water 

 carriers and porters for the most part and seem 

 very poverty-stricken, sometimes begging at 



houses for food. Little could be learned about 

 them either in conversation or from others. 

 Nevertheless, their isolation may not be inten- 

 tional. One of our assistants had apparently 

 never paid attention to them ; after we pointed 

 out their peculiar position, the assistant always 

 made it a point to speak to them whenever he 

 passed them on the street, although no one 

 else did so. 



The nearest approach to class groupings is 

 that persons seem to associate mostly with indi- 

 duals who are their own age mates and of the 

 same economic class. Circumstances were not 

 favorable for detailed studies of association, 

 but there is little doubt that this subjective 

 impression would be verified by such a study. 

 Across this class grouping are at least two 

 others. One centers about the division into 

 progressives and conservatives, words not used 

 in the town, but quickly adopted by our aides 

 when we explained their significance. There 

 seemed little difficulty on the part of anyone. 



r^^=(^X7) 



aiue/o (a) 



Mita 

 papak'eri • 

 abuelo 



^ ^ 



nanti<L_ , abuelo (a) 



mamak'eri 



abuela 



ti'o 

 papa 



tea , 

 uauaka 



'iSt, 



r6 zTT) z£ 



^Z^-^~K~^ 



abue/o (a) iahta 

 papak'eti ' 

 '^ '^abuelo 



\-5 



nanita abuelo (a) 



mamak'tri' 



abuela 



mama 

 ndntt 



prtmo (a] 



JMci. 

 hermano 



EGO 

 MALE SPEAKIMG 



Direnci 

 hermana 



•iobrtnu 



<3obrtnu 



hi JO 

 ua4i 



h,ja* 

 ud4i 



•aobrinu 



nieto (a) 

 nimdkaa 



l>tJO,(a)*' hi JO (a)* 



/iimakua. nimakua. 



J 5 



tio , 

 papa 



tia , 

 uauaka 



^ r7) r6 



primo (a) 



KTl^...... KT^. S~^ 



<Sobrinu 



K^ k^ K^ IT^ ^^ ITh 



nieto (a) 

 mmdkua 



k^er 



-lETANS "B'O" OR 'GPCAT* 



VOCATIVE FORM 



Figure 12. — Cheran kinship, male speaking. In general, the first fomi given is that most frequently used 



except where the form is vocative. 



