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INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY — PUBLICATION NO. 2 



Antonio Sanchez (whoso son's wedding is the 

 first described) and his brother. The posole 

 was provided by the cousins of the groom. 



At 10 o'clock the following morning, water 

 for dish washing was carried through the 

 streets accompanied by a band. At 11 : 30 addi- 

 tional maize was taken to the mill, again 

 accompanied by a band. On both occasions 

 numerous people were dancing with the pro- 

 cession. Several other processions occurred 

 during this and the following day when the 

 wedding finally terminated. 



Dona Feliciana estimated the expenses for 

 the wedding to be about $100 for food and 

 bread, paid for by the relatives. Doha 

 Feliciana supplied 9 funcgas of maize, worth 

 $36, and paid $25 to one of the bands, and she 

 still owed $20. She also killed a cow with an 

 estimated value of $60. The second band, 

 which did not stay the entire time, was paid $20 

 by the relatives. This makes a total expense 

 of $261, not counting the fees for the civil 

 registry and the priest. Neither does it include 

 the very considerable quantities of liquor con- 

 sumed. Dona Feliciana collected $21 in gifts 

 given by her female relatives. 



The wedding of Samuel Sanchez mentioned 

 above cost his father $150. In addition, Don 

 Antonio's brothers spent at least $50. Don 

 Antonio also killed a beef, and 71/2 fancgas of 

 maize was consumed. The civil registry cost 

 $6 and the Mass $13, a total expenditure of 

 approximately $309 exclusive of the liquor. 



Alfredo Romero, pointing out that even poor 

 families had to make every effort to give a 

 proper wedding so the parents of the girl would 

 be satisfied, reported that his wedding cost $135, 

 51/4 fanegas of maize, and some beans, "and it 

 did not last more than 3 days" (but his group 

 of relatives is smaller and there were fewer 

 gue-sts than at some of the other weddings). 

 He had to buy a beef "which hardly lasted" 

 and there was expense for musicians, bread, 

 lard, salt, onions "and who knows what else." 

 Romero was forced to sell a lot in Parkutin and 

 two small pieces of land, despite aid given him 

 by his relatives. 



In general, the attitude of disapproval voiced 

 in the previous paragraph is not shared in 

 Cheran. Although accounts of expense were 

 given with a good deal of headshaking, obviously 



the majority of persons were rather proud of 

 the amount they had spent. Unquestionably, a 

 wedding is the most extensive and ostentatious 

 display of wealth and social position that exists 

 in Cheran. Attempts in the past by outsiders 

 to suppress the costumbres are almost always 

 taken as attempts to suppress the weddings 

 first of all and are met by sullen and dogged 

 resi-stance. The reaction of Emilio Rojas, 

 godfather of the bride in the Samuel Santa 

 Clara wedding, is fairly typical : 



The custom here is pleasant, except people get very 

 drunk. Well, not everyone, but some. It is good to 

 take something, but not to the point of drunkenness. 

 It is good to dance and be gay. Besides, I like weddings 

 because I always sell something in the way of clothing. 

 [Don Emilio is a storekeeper.] 



The social prestige factors involved in wed- 

 dings revolve alDout several aspects of the cere- 

 monies. One is the sheer factor of display 

 already mentioned. Whenever any group of 

 people goes through the streets in connection 

 with the wedding, it is accompanied by a band. 

 Furthermore, a direct route is rarely followed. 

 Often a circuitous route two or three times as 

 long as the direct route is used. 



Another aspect is the display and exchange 

 of clothing and bread. Every effort is made to 

 show the amount of bread being brought and 

 the quantity of clothing to be exchanged. The 

 clothing is carried on trays, usually lacquered, 

 or in baskets either in the arms or on the head. 

 The majority of the participants bearing cloth- 

 ing come in a single large procession which 

 always makes a special effort to traverse as 

 much of the town as is possible without making 

 the ostentation too evident. The women bear- 

 ing clothing all sit together for a time after 

 arriving at the groom's house and spread out 

 their clothing to make it look as impressive as 

 possible. 



The clothing exchange also has an economic 

 aspect, for the investment involved is very con- 

 siderable. To some extent, though, the gifts 

 are formalized. Clothing for wedding gifts is 

 usually not as well made as regular clothing. 

 Furthermore, a large part of it is kept for 

 exchange in future weddings. Only if a family 

 does not expect to have any relatives marry for 

 some time to come will it actually use the cloth- 

 ing, unless it is very poor and in need of the 



