CULTURAL GEOGRAPHY OF THE MODERN TARASCAN AREA—WEST 13 
nonmaterial elements with European; but by per- 
forming religious functions in Tarascan, they 
helped to preserve, rather than destroy, the 
native tongue. Nor did the absentee encomen- 
dero, who held villages in fee in order to collect 
monthly or yearly tribute, disturb the native 
speech. 
The permanent European settlements (mines, 
farming, and livestock enterprises) which de- 
manded indigenous labor were the more important 
agents in substituting Spanish for the native 
language.  Repartimiento labor from northern 
Tarasca was sent to the large silver mines in the 
east (Tlalpujahua, Sultepec, Temascaltepec, Zacu- 
alpan, Taxco) and in the north (Guanajuato); 
few pueblos in the Sierra furnished workers for 
these mines.” Such labor worked in the mines 
only for 1- or 2-week periods, and although the 
workers probably picked up some Spanish in 
contact with mulattoes and mestizos, they con- 
tinued to use their native tongue. Free Tarascan 
laborers, however, migrated from their villages 
to distant northern mines (Zacatecas, Parral, 
San Luis Potosi) where they permanenty settled 
in native quarters and eventually lost the use 
of their aboriginal language. 
Spanish settlements within the Tarascan area 
contributed more than any other factor to the loss 
of the native tongue. Such settlement occurred 
during the 16th and 17th centuries in those lands 
peripheral to the Sierra, i. e., in the grassy plains 
and hill country to the north and east and in the 
tierras templada and caliente to the south. In both 
areas the basis of permanent Spanish settlement 
was stock raising. The northern section from the 
Otomi country near the Sierra de Ozumatlin to 
Mazamitla, south of Lake Chapala, was especially 
favorable for cattle and sheep. Large expanses 
of grass and scrub existed between widely scat- 
tered native villages; numerous springs and 
streams afforded sufficient water; while salt licks 
were common near mineral springs and in small 
playas. Moreover, year-round pasture occurred 
along the margins of lakes and marshes throughout 
the northern region. During the colonial period 
thousands of sheep aad cattle were pastured in 
the dry season around Lake Cuitzeo, around the 
margins of the ciénaga of Zacapu, and in the 
4 Aranza, Sevina, and Tzintzuntzan were the Sierra and Lake pueblos 
that supplied most of the repartimiento mine labor from the central part of 
the Tarascan area during the 16th century. During the 18th and 19th cen- 
turies most of the men of Zacin worked voluntarily in the Guanajuato mines. 
{Zavala and Castello, 1939-46, vol. 4, pp. 426-427; vol. 6, p. 468; AGN Historia, 
vol. 73, f. 356). 
Lerma delta plain at the eastern end of Lake 
Chapala.” 
In the north, land was granted and cattle 
estancias were established soon after the voluntary 
submission of the Tarascan chiefs in 1522. By 
1540 most of the best pastures between Lake 
Cuitzeo and Lake Chapala were in the hands 
of Spanish ranchers (Paso y Troncoso, 1905, vol. 1, 
pp. 76, 77, 117, ete.), and by 1600 most of northern 
Tarasca was taken up by cattle and sheep ranches, 
forming the southern part of the great colonial 
ranching area of north-central Mexico. In 
well-watered spots Spaniards also established 
irrigated wheat farms, worked by repartimiento 
labor from Tarascan villages nearby, e. g. around 
Chilchota and Indaparapeo (Mus. Nac., leg. 102, 
Rel. de Chilchota, 1581; Paso y Troncoso, 1905, 
vol. 1, pp. 78, 133). 
These Spanish settlements, located between 
Indian pueblos, were centers of acculturation for 
natives who came to work permanently as herds- 
men or farmers. Associating with mulatto and 
Negro cattle hands (who became numerous in 
Michoacan during the 17th and 18th centuries), 
Indians gradually lost their Tarascan speech and 
intermarried with the invading element, begetting 
mixed offspring. Spanish and mulatto families 
also established households in many reorganized 
Indian pueblos (e. g. Cuitzeo, Indaparapeo, 
Chilchota, ete.), the Indian population being 
relegated to barrios, or native quarters in the 
town. There, too, acculturation took place. 
Furthermore, at least two Spanish towns were 
founded in the northern area—Valladolid (More- 
lia) and Zamora—in both of which were estab- 
lished barrios for Indians who came to live as 
laborers and traders. 
In spite ef active Spanish and mulatto settle- 
ment in the North, the loss of native speech was 
slow. By the mid-18th century Tarascan-speak- 
ing folk comprised between 50 and 75 percent of 
the total population in the northern plateau of 
Michoacan, and many pueblos were still entirely 
native in speech * (map 8). These percentages 
2 The pastures of the lower Lerma were famed throughout New Spain for 
their abundant winter forage. During the 16th and 17th centuries thousands 
of sheep were annually driven there from Querétaro, Toluca, the Valley 
of Mexico, and other distant places. (Mus. Nac. (Col. Gémez Orozco), 
Rel. de Querétaro; Ponce Relacion, 1872, vol. 2, p, 14; Arregui, 1946, p. 60.) 
28 The language maps (8 and 9) were compiled chiefly from church padro» 
or lists of confessors of each inhabited place in the diocese of Mir* 
Such lists are extant in the Archivo del Arzobispado de Michoac* 
Morelia. Padrones for 1742, 1746, and 1759, plus population 
information from Villasefor y Sanchez: Theatro Americ” 
employed to construct the map for 1750. For that of 
padrones for 1798, 1800, 1801, 1805, 1808, and 1810. ” 
map was much less complete than for the form 
