BULL. 30] 



TKICENTEE TEOOMAXl AQU IN O 



819 



non of very wide occurrence, it is fruitless 

 to speculate on its origin in this special 

 case, but it is worth while to point out 

 that Dr Swanton in his investigations 

 among the Haida was led to the conclu- 

 sion that possibly the Eagle group may 

 represent a foreign element in the tribe," 

 and states what but few others appear to 

 see: that the crest system (" totemism " ) 

 on the Pacific coast is not necessarily 

 connected with this peculiar division of 

 the tribe. But it has already been herein 

 indicated in what manner this dualism 

 has been made a feature in the social 

 structure of at least two linguistic stocks, 

 and that the reasons there advanced may 

 be tentatively accepted as at least a prob- 

 able explanation of such divisions in other 

 tribes havinganalogous social institutions, 

 unless it can be shown with greater rea- 

 son to be due to some other equally po- 

 tent cause. 



Among the Salish, the clan and the 

 gentile forms of social structure do not 

 occur. In this respect the littoral Salish 

 differ materially from those of the in- 

 terior. Among the latter, according to 

 Hill- Tout, the social fabric is so simple 

 and loose that it "])orders closely upon 

 anarchy," while among the former it is 

 comparatively complex, and the com- 

 mune is divided into " a number of hard 

 and fast classes or castes," three in 

 number, exclusive of the slave class. 

 Boas, writing in 1905 of tlie Salish 

 tribes of the interior of British Columbia, 

 says that in the "very loose" social or- 

 ganization of these people, if such it may 

 be called, no tribal unit is recognized; 

 that there are no exogamic groups; and 

 no hereditary nobility was found, per- 

 sonal distinction being acquired chiefly 

 by wealth and wisdom. While the exi- 

 gencies of the food quest compelled these 

 Indiana to change their habitations from 

 season to season, their permanent villages 

 were situated in the river valleys. There 

 are according to this author frequent and 

 considerable fluctuations in the popula- 

 tion of the villages, but it does not appear 

 that these changes result in a diminution 

 of the tribal population. It appears that 

 deer-fences and fishing places were the 

 property of certain persons and families, 

 and moreover that the hunting territory 

 was regarded as the common property of 

 the whole tribe. From the prominence 

 given to the "family" in marriage ob- 

 servances, in burial customs, and in 

 property rights, it is possible that further 

 investigation will reveal a much more 

 complex and cohesive organization than 

 is now known to exist. 



According to Chamberlain the social 

 structure of the Kutenai is remarkably 

 simple, being in strong contrast to the 

 social systems of great complexity found 



in British Columbia and on the N. W. 

 coast. There is no evidence that the Ku- 

 tenai have or ever had clan or gentile in- 

 stitutions or secret societies. Each tribal 

 or local community had a chief whose 

 oflice was hereditary, although the peo- 

 ple always had the right to select some 

 other member of the familj' when for any 

 cause it was needful so to do. The power 

 and authority of the chief was limited by 

 the advice and action of the council. 

 Formerly, a chief was elected to direct 

 the great hunting expeditions. The pop- 

 ulation of the tribe was supported by the 

 adoption of aliens by residence and by 

 marriage. Descent was probably traced 

 through the mother, and marriage of first 

 cousins was strictly forbidden. These 

 apparently tentative statements of Cham- 

 berlain indicate that the tribe was held 

 together by the ties of consanguinity and 

 affinity. 



See Adoption; Clan and Gens; Confed- 

 eration; Family; Government; Kinship; 

 Sociology. (j. K. b. h. ) 



Tricentee. Given as one of the "Keo- 

 wee towns" among the Cherokee in a 

 document of 1755 (Rovce in 5th Rep. 

 B. A. E., 143, 1887). Possibly Tessuntee 



Trimati. Mentioned, m connection 

 with Puaray, apparently as a pueblo of the 

 Tigua of New Mexico in 1598. — Onate 

 (1598) in Doc. Ined., xvi, 115, 1871. 



Trinachak. An Eskimo village in the 

 Nushagak district, Alaska; pop. 20 in 

 1890. 

 Trinachamiut.— 11th Census, Alaska, 164, 1893. 



Tripanick. A tribe of Algonquian or 

 possibly of Siouan stock formerly living in 

 the vicinitv of Albemarle sd., N. C. 



Tripanicks.— Hakluyt (1600), Voy., Ill, 312, 1810. 

 Tripanieks. — Lane (1585) quoted bv Hawks, N.C., 

 I, 111, 1859. Trypaniks.— Lane (1585) in Smith, 

 Va., I, 87, repr. 1819. 



Tripas Blaacas (Span. : 'white bellies'). 

 A tribe living mainly in Coahuila, Mexico, 

 and probably of Coahuiltecan stock, which 

 in the 17th and 18th centuries was found 

 at Nadadores, San Francisco Solano, and 

 San Buenaventura missions, Coahuila. 

 In 1688 they revolted and destroyed both 

 the Nadadores and San Buenaventura 

 missions (Portillo, Apuntes para la Hist. 

 Antigua de Coahuila y Texas, 253, 1888; 

 Valero Baptisms, 1705, 1707; Valero 

 Burials, 1708, MS.). (h. e. b.) 



Triwta. A former village connected 

 with San Carlos mission, Cal., and said 

 to have been Esselen. — Taylor in Cal. 

 Farmer, Apr. 20, 1860. 



Troomaxiaquino. A Tewa pueblo in 

 N. Mex. in 1598. The ruins have been 

 located bv Bandelier in Rio Arriba co. 

 Pajaritos.— Bandelier in Riteh, N. Mex., 201, 1885 

 (Span, 'birds'). Troomaxiaquino. — Onate (1598) 

 in Doc. In6d., xvi, 116, 1.S71. Troo-maxia-qui-no.— 

 Bandelier, op. cit. Trovmaxiaquino. — Bancroft, 

 Ariz, and N. Mex., 136, 1889 (misprint). 



