300 TUSAYAN SNAKE CEREMONIES (ETH. ANN. 16 
evidently a special feature as a guardian of warriors, ana of small sig- 
nificance in a broad discussion of the meaning of the Snake dance. 
Looking over the participants in the secret ceremonials of the Ante- 
lope kiva of Walpi, there are but two celebrants whom we can identify 
as personators. The Antelope priests, save possibly their chief, are 
simply celebrants, but the boy and girl who stand in the corners of the 
kiva must be something more; they represent some personage, and 
consequently I have reflected on their identity. The names given me 
for these two children are the Snake-youth and the Snake-maid. These 
names are, I believe, simply cultus-hero names applied to them’ because 
of the societies which celebrate the rites. Who the Snake-boy really 
is lam not yet prepared to say, but I think the Snake-maid is simply a 
personation of the Corn-maid, and these are my reasons for that belief: 
A supernatural being or mythological conception may be represented 
by Hopi priests in several ways. There are three methods which occur 
to me—(1) a symbolie picture, (2) an image, and (3) a personification by 
aman, woman, or child. Designs on the reredos of altars, sand mosaics, 
altar slabs, and the like, are examples of the first. The rain clouds on 
the Antelope sand picture, the painted sun disks in the Paliiliikonti 
sereen drama, are symbolic of the supernaturals which they represent. 
Images likewise represent certain gods; but they are not the gods, only 
symbols in graven forms, as figures are symbolic pictures. The third 
and highest form are personifications by men, women, or children. 
When necessity compels, or for practical reasons, these personifications 
are simply represented by symbols, effigies, or idols. Instead of a man 
representing the sun, we have a painted disk. This is carried out in 
different presentations of the same ceremony accordingly as it is elab- 
orated or abbreviated. Thus, in one presentation of the Mamzrduti a 
woman was dressed like a certain goddess, but in another this person- 
ification was replaced by a picture of this supernatural on a board; 
both had the same name, both the same intent. Practical reasons led 
to a personification in one and a symbolic pieture in the other presen- 
tation of the ceremony. 
Bearing this thought in mind, let us return to a study of the Snake- 
maiden. When we compare her with other personifications in the 
Tusayan ritual, we find she is clothed in precisely the same manner, 
wears the same symbols, and in every way is identical with the girls in 
the Flute ceremony; she is, in fact, the same personage. Our studies, 
therefore, naturally lead us to ask who the girls of the Flute ceremony 
represent. We have more to guide us in this search. 
The girls in the Flute are called the Lenya-manas, or Flute-maids, a 
name applied also to certain figurines on the Flute altars. This name 
is likewise a sacerdotal totem name of cultus heroes or tutelary deities 
of a Flute society. 
The images of the Flute-maids on the altar represent the Corn or 
Germ maids. Of that there is proof, because they are sometimes 
