TRANSACTIONS OF THE SECTIONS. 163 



not be far wrong in assuming that in 1861 there were not more than ahout 

 3,500,000 absolutely in a position to exercise their constitutional right in an in- 

 telligent and independent manner, even if some sort of universal suffrage were 

 established. And if that were the case, should all have equal votes ? Shoidd the 

 rich and the poor, the largest and smallest contributor to the public revenue stand 

 in an equal position ? We have no mode of arriving at the wealth of the different 

 classes. As to taxes, it is true, that all pay more or less something, yet the 

 proportion is very different. Assuming the popvdation of the United Kingdom at 

 29,000,000, the proportion may be taken to be 1,000,000 upper classes, 9,000,000 

 middle, 18,000,000 lower, and 1,000,000 paupers ; and taking the average amount 

 of revenue and local taxation at £70,000,000, the taxes paid constituted a bur- 

 den of £22 per head on the upper, of £3 9s. on the middle, and of £1 Is. per head 

 on the lower. In fact 70 per cent, of the revenue was obtained from about 30 

 per cent, of the population. There would be great difficulties in arriving at 

 anything like a correct and equitable apportionment of votes in relation to wealth 

 and payment of taxes, especially as we have no direct public tax sufficiently low 

 to include the entire community, and it may be taken for granted that any attempt 

 in that direction would be sure to fail for want of data. Abandoning therefore 

 any hope to arrive at an equitable adjustment by any such conclusion, we come to 

 the present test of the house rent. The intention of this plan seems to be the 

 bringing in within the pale of the constitution all those who live in sufficient com- 

 fort and affluence as an indication of a sound civil condition. Taking this test, 

 we have the fact that at the time of the census there were 3,739,505 inhabited 

 houses, producing an estimated rental of £58,013,181, which gave an average of 

 £15 5s. per house. But of this number, 3,219,514, or a^ many as 86 per cent., were 

 rented under £20 ; and of these, 459,693 houses only were rented at from £15 to 

 £20 ; 822,149 were rented at £10 to £15 ; 1,277,956 were rented at from £5 to £10; 

 and 659,724 houses were rented at from £3 to £5. The largest number of persons 

 live in very low rented houses, which indicate great discomfort if not wretched- 

 ness ; and this is especially the case in large towns, where house rent has much 

 increased, as well as in the agricultural and mining districts. Hence it is that by 

 this test the largest number are practically disqualified. In fact the number of 

 persons having votes is now less than one million against 5,000,000 males of age, or 

 3,500,000 of persons free from any personal disqualifications. From several returns 

 relating to the economic condition of the people, it appears that the consumption 

 of articles of food and comfort has largely increased of late years, that the amount 

 deposited with savings banks is much larger, and that the number of children at 

 school is considerably larger, facts which seem to indicate a large increase of com- 

 forts and welfare among all classes. Yet it is evident that there are large masses 

 of the people possessing very scanty means and who are very deficient in intellec- 

 tual acquirements, and that if the franchise was lowered to rents from £5 to £10 

 the number of voters added would be considerable, including probably not a few of 

 the lowest class of society. Shoidd such an extension be attempted, a restriction 

 should certainly be imposed as regards persons unable even to read and write. If 

 we can go no further in the way of imposing an educational test, let it be provided 

 that henceforth at least the franchise shall be given to those only who can sign 

 their own names in the register, an alteration being made for the purpose in the 

 method of recording the vote at the poll. It should be our aim to hold out the 

 right to vote as a premium to self-mastery and frugality ; and if the State cannot 

 undertake to educate and elevate the masses of the people, let it at least show 

 that for the exercise of the higher functions of a free man in a free state, the citizen 

 must prepare himself by a life unstained in character, high in moral principle, and 

 well-trained and enlightened in the great school of constitutional and political 

 government. 



11* 



