ON THE ETHNOLOGICAL SURVEY OF CANADA. 35^ 



The ' potlatch,' Mortuary, Naming, and other feasts were held in esteem 

 by the Tcil'Qe uk as by other of the Salish tribes, though all have been 

 reluctantly given up as a general thing for some years past. Occasionally 

 someone with a large house will be induced to give a dance, I was in- 

 formed. This will be conducted partly on native lines and partly on the 

 lines of the white man's dance ; but all such gatherings are discoun- 

 tenanced by the Indian authorities and by the missionaries, and occur 

 now but rarely. 



The lines between the three social divisions of the Tcil'Qe'uk were less 

 rigid than those between some of the coast tribes ; at least, that is, 

 between the notabilities and the common people. The chief's caste was a 

 class apart. Only those connected by consanguineal ties could belong to 

 this caste, the head of which was always the yuw'el sid'rn, who always 

 bore the personal name or title of sivcI'Ies in addition to his other indi- 

 vidual names ; and his daughters were always called siod'lEsd'nt. I was 

 unable to learn the signification of these terms, other than that ' swa'lES ' 

 signified 'getting rich.' A noble or headman among the Tcii'Qe^ik was 

 such by his wealth and intelligence and by the consent of his fellow- 

 tribesmen. Any man, other than a slave, could win such a position for 

 himself by the acquisition of wealth and by a generous and discreet 

 distribution of the same. The common people, other than the slaves, were 

 such because they were lazy, thriftless, unambitious, or incapable of rising 

 in the social scale. As I observed at the outset, the Tcil'Qe'uk were more 

 communistic than their neighbours ; they held their possessions more in 

 common. Thus, for example, they eat together as one family. The chief 

 would call upon a certain individual each day to provide the meals for all 

 the others, everyone, more or less, thus taking it in turn to discharge 

 this social duty. The sick and old he would make the charge of those 

 who were best able to take care of them. Thus all were provided for and 

 none left in want. It must not be supposed, however, that all fared 

 alike. Under such a rule there would be no incentive for any individual 

 to lay in a good store of choice food, and the lazy and thriftless would reap 

 the benefits of the toil and foresight of the industrious and careful. In 

 each family the food-stores were always divided into three portions, and 

 packed away separately on the shelves over the beds. At the back, where 

 it was most protected from injury, dust, and smoke, was placed the 

 choicest portion. This was intended for the sTa'm, who was entitled by 

 his office to the best of everything. In the middle was placed the second 

 best portion. This was for the owner and his friends, and others of his 

 social rank. On the outside was stored away all the inferior food. This 

 was for the common folk, Thus, by this division of their supplies, though 

 their meals were communistic, there was given no encouragement to 

 thriftlessness or indolence. This singular mixture of communism and 

 privilege is an extremely interesting feature of the social life of the 

 Tcil'Qe'uk. It seems, moreover, peculiar to them, as I have not found it 

 elsewhere. 



The tribe was originally endogamous ; but later, closer contact with 

 the neighbouring tribes made a strict observance of this rule impolitic, 

 and led to the taking of wives from other communities. Polygamy was 

 common among the Tcil'Qe'uk, a man having sometimes as many as ten 

 wives. The number of a man's wives was ordered, as a rule, partly by his 

 inclinations and partly by his ability to support them. Like most of the 



