TRANSACTIONS OF SECTION F. 687 



total amount of ' primary and secondary ' poverty in London is at least 48 per 

 cent., and is almost certainly over 50 per cent, of the people. So that, as soon 

 as we reduce to the same definition for both cases, we get the most opposite 

 results. What else was to be expected from a comparison of a provincial city 

 with the greatest centre of casual labour in the world ? The opposition of the 

 results is still more striking when allowance is made for the different costs of 

 living in the two places. When this is done the York figure which corresponds 

 to Booth's 31 per cent, comes down from 8^ to 3 per cent. 



We get the conclusion, therefore, that of poverty in Booth's sense of the 

 word there is 3 per cent, in York (corrected for cost of living), or 8^ per cent, 

 (uncorrected), against 31 per cent, in London; and of poverty in Rowntree's 

 sense there is 28 per cent, in York and (when corrected) over 50 per cent, in 

 London. No national inference is possible from results like that. The state- 

 ment that the numbers of our people who are living in poverty is, or approxi- 

 mates to, 31 per cent, is not based on evidence which bears scrutiny. The 

 numbers may be either much greater or much less than that. We need far more 

 evidence on a uniform definition of the thing inquired into. 



3. Production and Unemployment. By Miss Grier. 



The word ' unemployment ' is too comprehensive to be definite. There are 

 innumerable grades among the ' unemployed ' as among the employed. Unem- 

 ployment is due partly to industrial maladjustment, caused by want of fore- 

 sight on the part of employers and employed, and partly to lack of industrial 

 qualities among the employed and unemployed. It would only be possible 

 entirely to avoid unemployment by perfect adjustment of the supply of (i) dif- 

 ferent kinds of goods and services to the demand for them, and (ii) different 

 kinds of labour needed in production. 



The abolition of the demand for intermittent labour would leave no alternative 

 between regular work and destitution. This would have a ' deterrent ' effect, but 

 would not increase the general demand for labour, except in so far as it increased 

 production. Increased production increases the possibility of employment but 

 aLso the possibility of unemployment. To reduce unemployment it is not so much 

 necessary to increase total production as to increase the value of the work of 

 those who tend to become unemployed. Increased production on the part of low- 

 grade workers is useless unless their number is limited. The demand for their 

 services is apt to be inelastic. The need for greater adaptability was insisted 

 upon and remedies were suggested. 



4. Under-emyloymeut and the Mobility of Labour. By J. St. G. Heath. 



A study of the census returns of occupations for 1891 and 1901. Definition of 

 economic transformations. Dislocations which take place in a particular industry 

 through changes in demand, or through the substitution of new and cheaper 

 factors of production, such as machinery, women, and juvenile labour. Effects 

 of economic transformations upon adult male labour. 



Attempt to estimate the effects by observing the changes in occupations 

 between 1891 and 1901 as shown in the census returns. 



Criticism of previous attempts of Mr. Booth and Mr. Beveridge. 



Both have taken a single census report. Two census reports required. All 

 those who were returned as occupied in 1891 between the ages 25-35, with 

 the exception of those who have died or retired, will be found in the age group 

 35-45 ten years later, and so with the other age groups. 



Table I. shows certain main orders of occupations in the census reports for 

 1891 and X90L 



¥ V 8 



