TKANSACTIONS OF THE SECTIONS. 175 



which was started as the great development of our Section — the Social Science 

 Association, of which my noble friend Lord Houghton will be chairman on an 

 early day. But I do not think there is any dan<j:er of our monopolizing too much 

 attention. After all, a very large number of members of our Association are those 

 who act with great knowledge and interest in phj'sical science, and who with great 

 power give information and show anxiety to hear what their fellow members have 

 to tell them. But L should be sorry to see this Section omitted from our pro- 

 gi-amme. I think there is great advantage in bringing together men of science and 

 politicians. Perhaps one result of this may be that we shall obtain higher scientific 

 culture. I wish that this may be the case. Over and over again in the work I 

 haAe felt it my dutj- to try to do, I have lamented my own scientific ignorance. 1 

 have felt, and I have no doubt others who have attempted it have also felt, that we 

 could act more successfully if we knew more of the laws of nature. There is hardly 

 any fact in human intercourse, hardly any influence which a man can bring to bear 

 on his fellow men that might not be explained, illustrated, and enforced by some 

 analogy of outward nature — that has not, as it were, its counterpart in the workings 

 of nature, in the eyes of the man who is fortunate enough to have some real know- 

 ledge of both men and things. Again, there is undoubtedly an advantage in sub- 

 jecting political questions to the conditions of scientific debate. It is well that they 

 shoidd sometimes be treated and debated in that temper and with that simple desire 

 for the discovery of truth which ought to characterize all scientific discussion. 

 Then, again, as regards this special Section there is an advantage in the political 

 theorists or thinkers beiug brought into contact with the practical politicians ; for 

 when they come together I think the theorist would perhaps learn to appreciate 

 and estimate more fairly than he sometimes does the immense friction, if I may use 

 the term, with which the practical politician has to deal, and which he finds to 

 clog and interfere with his efibrts. It is not sufficient to enounce and explain the 

 laws of economic science. In outward nature you have to deal with dead facts. 

 In economic science, affecting the political and social condition of men, you have 

 to deal with persons who have free will and the power of exercising it and of 

 refusing to obey the laws which you explain ; and we none of us can forget that we 

 have to contend with and to take account of the likes and dislikes of men, and the 

 passions and even the prejudices of men, and that it is not enough for a State to 

 declare the laws of economic science — of political economy, for example. We 

 must not forget that many men will not obey these laws, however clearly we may 

 explain them and point out the penalty of their transgression. Sometimes they 

 disbelieve in the penalty ; often they ignore it ; and not seldom, knowing its exis- 

 tence, they prefer to incur it. We must take into account the existence of this 

 friction, and we must be prepared for this result — a very disappointing result, and 

 a result of which I am sure experimental philosophers would greatly complain if 

 they were beset with it in physical science ; and that is, that though just in pro- 

 portion as in any political measure the laws of economic science are broken, there 

 wiU be weakness, and probably failure in that political measure, it by no means 

 follows that just in proportion as the law is kept and adhered to there will he 

 success. It is not seldom the case that by its very truthfulness a measure excites 

 so mucli opposition that it ensures its own defeat. Well, that is a reason, which 

 thinkers ought to bear in mind when they sometimes accuse political men of 

 delaying to bring forward measures of which they are convinced. It is a ground, 

 and a reasonable and proper ground, very often for the postponement of a political 

 measure based upon true principles. Those who are most in favour of such a 

 measure and most advocate it, feel that they are doing it harm by prematurely 

 bringing it forward ; but some persons push that doctrine too far, and say that it is 

 a reason and an excuse why a measure should be brought forward upon false prin- 

 ciples. Now that I do not admit. I believe that nothing really is gained, though 

 something may sometimes seem to be gained, by any man bringing forward a 

 political measure upon principles in which he himself disbelieves. He may bo 

 quite sure that in the diflerent opinions of men, if it be at all desirable that such a 

 measure should become law, there are plenty of people (if he wiU simply drop 

 behind and not do that of which he disapproves) who will come for\vard and 

 advocate it who do really approve of it. 



But I must now, after these prefatory remarks, go to the special work of tliis 



