TRANSACTIONS OF THE SECTIONS. 179 



the number of labourers is greater now, aud the power of communication is much 

 easier ; but what I venture to say is this, that these disputes are conducted with 

 much less herceness and acrimony than in former times. I also believe that 

 they, generally speaking, do not last so long. For instance, there are some 

 Bradford men, I suppose, who can remember the fierce struggle there was against 

 the introduction of machinery into Bradford — the violent fights that there were at 

 that time, though it would be almost impossible to have any thing of that kind in 

 Bradford now. Again, I can recollect almost as a boy I was learning a manufac- 

 turing business at Norwich, and there was a dispute, and the masters had to walk 

 through the town looking with suspicion at almost everybodj' that was coming 

 near them for fear of having vitriol thrown into their eyes. That, again, is a state 

 of things that has long passed away. Again, take the Preston strike of twenty 

 years ago, which I studied somewhat keenly. That was a struggle that lasted longer 

 than almost any dispute of modern times ; and I must add my conviction that there 

 is not now that foolish struggle against the laws of science that there was in former 

 times. 



Well, then, as I demur to my friend Mr. Morris's statement, he will not be sur- 



frised if I say that I demur to the remedy he proposed at the close of his paper, 

 think he oven-ates the evil ; but whether he does so or not, his remedy (a league 

 of capitalists and capital throughout the country) is one which I should be most 

 grieved to see any attempt to apply. Whatever individual labourers may advise 

 their fellows, I believe that in this country, where the interests of the labouring 

 men are so varied, however it maybe advised, a league of labour against capital is 

 impossible. There may be talk about it at meeting.s, and there may be talk about 

 it in the newspapers, but I do not believe in its possibility, though, if any thing 

 could make it possible, it would be a league of capitalists against labourers. I 

 think we shall agree that two such opposing leagues would be one of the gi-eatest 

 calamities from which the coimtry could suffer. I should tremble at the thought 

 of om- industry being divided into hostile forces, and all the industrial workers of 

 England being distributed into opposing camps. Some persons woidd say it is 

 impossible, because the capitalists aud labourers would be so unequally matched in 

 power — that now you have given votes to the labourers, their numbers and the 



Sower of their votes would make them so much stronger than the capitalists, 

 'ow, I cannot take that ground myself I think if the two parties were unwise 

 enough to band themselves in opposition (a thing which I believe they never will 

 do) they woidd not be so unequally matched. I believe that money will always 

 buy men, and capital always find support amongst labourers. I beUeve they would 

 not be unmatched in power; and although I know very well that my friend and 

 others only mention such a remedy for extreme occasions, and would advocate it 

 on the fairest principles, I believe that if the contest once took place it would be 

 conducted with equal recklessness on both sides. Under these circumstances I 

 take some additional comfort from one political measiu-e with which I ha-\-e had 

 something to do. If there was any thing like such a struggle between classes 

 throughout the coimtry, there would be such a disposition on the side of each 

 party to clutch the power of the law, and to aim at legislative measures as 

 cannot but make me feel glad that the Government of which I am a member 

 have done somethiug towards bridling the power of the leaders on each side by 

 giving to the voters the protection of the ballot. And this brings me to one re- 

 mark which perhaps you will allow me to make, aud it is this : that, putting aside 

 the nossibility of these opposing leagues (and I dismiss them from my mind), I 

 think that on both sides (those who advocate the rights of labom- and those who 

 advocate the protection of the rights of capital) there is a little too much anxiety 

 to make use of the law. No doubt there should be perfect freedom in selling 

 labour, and that implies that there should be perfect freedom in combination. 

 I believe there was no greater mistake than the attempt to prevent a man from 

 agreeing with his fellow workmen as to the conditions upon which he should 

 like to sell his labour. But, of course, we should also say that there should be 

 perfect freedom to refuse to combine, and that such right should be respected and 



f)rotected. But in our effort to secure that freedom we must not try to get the 

 aw to do that which it cannot rightly or in fact effectually do. We can make use 



