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INSTITUTE OF SOCIAl, ANTHROPOLOGY — PUBLICATION NO. 12 



There is, then, in general, a lack of Alternatives 

 so far as a woman's role is concerned. Patterns 

 of behavior are clearly defined so that all know 

 what is "right" conduct and what is "wrong" 

 conduct. And since there is no doubt over what 

 to do, a woman tends to feel secure in her role. 

 It would appear that local women accept it and 

 are reasonably happy in it. Each woman usually 

 obtains that which she had expected to have — a 

 husband, a home, and children — and consequently 

 is satisfied with her lot. She is untroubled by any 

 sense of frustration with reference to a different 

 status which she has never thought of as being 

 possible for her. She cannot feel rol^bed of that of 

 which she has not yet formed an image. There 

 are, then, no questionings, doubts, or decejitions. 

 If life is hard, it is accepted as in the nature of 

 things and to be conformed to since a vida. e ansim 

 memo (life is like that) . Her lot is the same as that 

 of her mother. Her wants are simple. In her 

 world she is integrated. In her home she feels 

 secure. 



Moreover, as has been indicated, the formal char- 

 acter of status and role is continually being under- 

 mined by attitudes and sentiments which normally 

 develop out of intimate, personal relations. 

 Sympathy, affection, gratitude, respect, and even 

 admiration often come to be felt by a man for liis 

 wife, his mother, or his sister. At the same time, 

 a woman who satisfies well the demands of her 

 role may enjoy considerable prestige. She comes 

 to be known and honored throughout the com- 

 munity as "a good wife" and "a good mother." 

 The influence she exerts over her husband is subtle 

 and often quite effective, especially if she has 

 marked intelligence or other competence. 



One occasionally observes, however, a certain 

 restraint in situations such as that cited where 

 the husband told the wife to "Keep quiet ! Go 

 look after the child !" which indicates some dis- 

 satisfaction with role and status and a desire, prob- 

 ably largely unconscious, to alter it. 



It would seem that in the community the most 

 satisfying activities in which girls and unmarried 

 young women can engage and which give life zest 

 are to be visited by a boy friend, to go to a festa, 

 to get a new dress, and to dance. For the married 

 woman, the most satisfying experiences would 

 seem to be to have a child, to visit with one's rela- 

 tives and friends, and to go to a festa. 



MANCEBIA 



Mancebia, or the system of conjugal unions out- 

 side marriage in which there is some degree of 

 permanence, is a cultural pattern common to all 

 parts of Brazil. The terms customarily employed 

 in this connection, however, are derived from 

 amigo (friend). The verb amigar and the par- 

 ticiple amigado are most commonly used. 



A few of these unions are similar in essential 

 characteristics to those referred to in the United 

 States as "common-law marriages." Without 

 either church or state ceremony, a man and a 

 woman have come to live together as husband and 

 wife in a union which they consider to be per- 

 manent and which may be so regarded by other 

 persons in the community. They may eventually 

 marry. Their relations to each other and to the 

 other members of the community would seem not 

 to vary in any essential way from those of couples 

 who have actually been married according to a 

 religious or civil ceremony. 



Not every case of mancebm, however, is of this 

 kind. Of a considerably different character are 

 those informal unions which young men may enter 

 into previous to legal marriage. Although the 

 relationship thus established may continue over a 

 number of years, there is neither intention nor ex- 

 pectation of permanence, especially on the part of 

 the young man. The woman usually is from a 

 class whose status is lower than that of the family 

 to which the young man belongs. Eventually he 

 intends to marry someone whose social position 

 more closely approximates that of his own family. 



At present, no case of mancehia in the com- 

 munity would seem to be of this type, a fact which 

 may be due to the absence of any clearly defined 

 class division in the present population. (See 

 Status and Prestige, p. 200.) An occasional case 

 of this kind, however, is recalled by local inhabit- 

 ants. Some years ago, for instance, a young man 

 who had been refused liy the young woman whom 

 he wished to marry, "became angry and went and 

 amigou-se''' with another girl, living with her for 

 6 years before marrying, at the earnest request of 

 his father, a third girl suggested by his family. 



There are three couples at present amigados in 

 the village. In each case, either one or both of the 

 partners is separated from a legal spouse. A 

 woman, 50 years old, who was deserted by her hus- 

 band, lives with a man, 52 years old. A man 24 



