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INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY — PUBLICATION NO. 1 2 



On every hand, one heard joyous comments. "Do 

 you see what a miracle-working santa we've got?" 

 proudly asked a villager. "Our santa is a strong 

 santa^'' said another. "If you want it to rain, all 

 you have to do is to ask, and look at it rain ! The 

 ground is already soaked." "If I'm not mistaken," 

 remarked another villager, "It hasn't rained in 

 Piracema. They ought to take the sCMita there 

 too." 



The following accovmt of the event, given later 

 by a young man living on a farm near the village, 

 reflects common ideas and attitudes: 



Us farmers were needing rain badly. Tlie beans were 

 all turning yellow. So last Sunday we went to the chapel 

 where Nossa Senhora da Conceigao is kept and carried her 

 to the village. Whenever we have a drought, it's our cus- 

 tom to go aud get her and put her in the village church. 

 And then it is sure to rain. This time it came earlier 

 than usual. Some years the drought lasts nearly 6 months 

 and it won't rain a drop until we go and get her. The 

 life of a farmer depends on rain. If we don't get it, we're 

 "done for." It's for this reason that we have such faith 

 in our Nossa Senhora da Conceigao. 



There is some confusion in the minds of local 

 residents regarding the padroeira (patron saint) 

 of the village. Although the fadre and other re- 

 ligious leadei-s, as well as most of the older inhabi- 

 tants, identify the ■padroeira as Nossa Senhora da 

 Piedade and each year a festa is held in her honor 

 during which she is referred to as the padroeira 

 of the village, some persons in the community say 

 that Nossa Senhora da Penha is the patron saint. 

 In support of this contention, they point to the fact 

 that the image of Nossa Senhora da Penha occu- 

 pies the principal place on the main altar of the 

 village church. Others say that Nossa Senhora 

 da Piedade used to be the patron saint but that 

 sometime in the past she was substituted. 



The confusion seems to have its origin in events 

 which took place many decades ago and have 

 largely been forgotten. As has been indicated, a 

 chapel in honor of Nossa Senhora da Penha was 

 erected in 1701 at the place where the village now 

 stands. Somewhere else in the community, prob- 

 ably at a point about a mile away now known as 

 the Freguezia Velha (the Old Parish), there once 

 stood a chapel which had been erected in honor of 

 Nossa Senhora da Piedade, although all evidence 

 of its existence has now disappeared. Sometime 

 in the past, the principal image in this chapel was 

 brought and placed on the main altar in what is 



now the village church. Late in the last century, , 

 the padre at that time living in the village had 

 the present image of Nossa Senhora da Penha 

 made in France and brought to Brazil and placed 

 in the central position on the main altar. The 

 smaller image of Nossa Senhora da Piedade, as 

 has been indicated, now occupies a position on the 

 altar, in front of this image. Some persons in 

 the community maintain that the village has not 

 grown to be larger because of the fact that, al- 

 though (according to them) Nossa Senhora da 

 Piedade is the patron saint, the image of Nossa 

 Senhora da Penha is larger and occupies a more 

 prominent position on the altar. 



RINGING OF THE BELLS 



In the belfry of the village church, there are 

 three bells, each slightly different in size. They 

 are rung by the village bell ringer ^' on numerous 

 occasions throughout the year. At midday each 

 Saturday and also at 6 o'clock that evening, they 

 are rung, as villagers say, "to announce the arrival 

 of the padre in the village" to officiate at the regu- 

 lar weekly ceremonies. A half hour later they are 

 again rung to remind villagers of the evening reza 

 and this is repeated at 7 : 30, when it is time for 

 the reza to begin. They are heard several times 

 on Sunday morning: an hour before the early 

 Mass and again a half hour later ; a third time as 

 the Mass begins ; and at stated intervals during the 

 Mass itself, when the chiming of one or more bells 

 becomes a part of the ritual. The same routine is 

 repeated for the 10 o'clock Mass. The bells are 

 also rung at midday. They are heard each eve- 

 ning in May and June, when special rezas are held. 

 On the occasion of a festa, they are rung on the 

 jjreceding evening and also early in the morning, 

 to announce the festa. They are again rung 

 during the festa, as the images are carried out of 

 the church in procession and again, later, as they 

 are carried back into the church. They are rung 

 each morning during novenas. At funerals, if the 

 deceased is an adult, the large bell is tolled, slowly, 

 in funeral rhythm; if a child, the smaller bell is 

 made to chime. This continues from the time the 

 body leaves the church until it is carried into the 

 cemetery at the top of the long slope that leads up 

 from the village. As has been indicated, the bells 

 are also rung on special occasions like that of the 



^' See Division of L,ibor, r- 58 ; also pi. 9, a. 



