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INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY — PUBLICATION NO. 1 2 



The most characteristic attitude among those 

 who have doubts is reflected in the words of a 

 villager who said, "I do not believe in these things ; 

 but neither do I 'abuse' them." The implication 

 is that, although doubt exists, one cannot be com- 

 pletely certain about such matters ; therefore, "It 

 is better to be safe than sorry." "Arf redo says he 

 doesn't believe in these things," remarked a farm 

 woman, referring to her husband, "but it is only 

 his mouth that says it ; in his heart he isn't sure." 



POLITICAL BEHAVIOR 



No small part of the thought of the older per- 

 sons of the community, especially of the men, is 

 given over to the anticipation, commendation, or 

 criticism of political events. Wherever persons 

 come together, politics is an unfailing topic of 

 conversation. Although the intensity of this in- 

 terest varies from time to time, it never reaches 

 low ebb and periodically, especially preceding, 

 during, and inmiediately following an election, it 

 builds up to a point where the tensions involved 

 may become so great that violence sometimes re- 

 sults from comparatively small incidents. "They 

 get so excited over politics," said a young man, 

 "that they forget to take both dinner and supper. 

 They keep thinking their stomachs are full." 



Local political activity consists in carrying on 

 political relations with officials and candidates 

 for office in the seat of the 7nu7uci pio ; discussing 

 personalities and, to the extent that they are identi- 

 fied with personalities, the issues ; orienting voters ; 

 and getting out the vote on election day. These 

 activities tend to be effective insofar as they are 

 carried on in personal terms. Although the names, 

 or more commonly the initials, of political parties 

 are employed in conversation, the parties are 

 almost entirely visualized as being of such and such 

 a man, or group of men, rather than as represent- 

 ing specific issues or programs of action. At the 

 time of election, intimate contacts and personal 

 relations play decided roles in obtaining political 

 support, a fact clearly reflected in the remark of 

 a village leader when he said, "I have the key 

 which controls the community. I have 53 com- 

 padres. Besides, there are my relatives, my chil- 

 dren, my sons-in-law, my daughters-in-law, my 

 nephews and nieces. Here in these parts, the 

 Buenos and the Cardosos (the names of his own 

 and his wife's families) e inato (are legion). 



That's why no one here can win from me. Every 

 election it's the same; if I go one way, you can bet 

 they'll go with me and that we'll win." 



Intimate contacts are equally essential when 

 local officials seek to deal with officials in the seat 

 of the municipio. On an impersonal or formal 

 basis, little can be accomplished. "The govern- 

 ment in Boa Vista is Zico Moraes," a farmer re- 

 marked, referring to an official whose office is lo- 

 cated in the seat of the municipio. "Things here 

 in the village are handled by Fernando (naming 

 a local official) ; you come to an agreement with 

 him and he conies to an agreement with Zico." 



Favors done by a political leader for persons in 

 the community, which have accumulated during 

 the interval between elections, are usually paid off 

 on election day. If, at this time, a person does 

 not vote in keeping with the suggestions of his 

 political leader, he need not expect favors in the 

 future. Especially to illiterate, or almost illit- 

 erate, persons, these "connections" with someone 

 who holds political power may be highly impor- 

 tant, in the event they are forced to deal with 

 governmental functionaries. "Suppose you have 

 a field near a boundary line," said a farmer, "and 

 the ants from your neighbor eat up your crop. If 

 you ask your neighbor to get rid of the ants and 

 he doesn't want to pay the expense, you take the 

 matter to Fei'nando. But if he's against you 

 (that is, if he is of another party) , you won't get 

 any satisfaction whatever. Then, where are you ?" 



Political differences among local inhabitants are 

 the principal forces which undermine solidarity 

 in the community. On none of the numerous oc- 

 casions in which groups formed for hunting, for 

 instance, during the period of the time the com- 

 munity was under observation, did partisans of 

 both of the two principal political parties go along 

 together. Political differences were much more 

 important in this respect than, for instance, race 

 or color differences. In these hunts, Negroes, 

 whites, mamelucos, mulattoes, and cafusos partici- 

 pated together indiscriminately. 



Bitterness engendered by political differences 

 ma.j endure for years. Of conflict between two 

 persons in the community, a villager said, "This 

 comes from the politics of long ago. It comes 

 from envy that keeps accumulating. We would 

 get along well here in the village, if it wasn't for 

 politics." 



