“ Shipped for the Barbadoes.” 351 
last assault, in which the musketeers had won a European reputation, and was 
borne into the presence of the Swedish sovereign on a litter of pikes. “‘ Art 
thou James Butler?” asked Gustavus. “‘ No, sire, I am Walter.” “TI 
rejoice at that ” said Gustavus: ”’ for thou has fought well, but even so, hadst 
thou been James I shou.d have spitted thee with my own sword. ”’ The reason 
of this hatred is not clear but James had been in the Polish service in which 
indeed he was to die (unless it is true that he was killed at the Battle of Ross) 
and when the Poles routed the Swedes at Osterode a Butler led them. 
The struggle between Charles I. and his parliament gave the signal 
for the new revolt and Scotland furnished the example. Although penal 
statutes could not be forced through the Irish parliament against the Catholics 
the substance of English legislation on the subject was put in force from time 
to time by orders of th» Deputy and Council. The bigotry of the Puritans was 
threatening further outrages and confiscations. In October and November, 
1641, the Ulster Irish rose. They failed to surprise Dublin but were joined 
by the Norman Lords of the Pale the following year. At a meeting at the 
Hill of Crofty in Meath the Anglo-[vish nobles formally asked the delegates 
of the clans; “ Why come ye armed into the Pale?’’ The reply was ‘ For 
the defence of our king, for the liberties of God’s church and for the rights of 
this land.’’ With this agreement of the older races the Pale vanishes from Irish 
history. Yet no Irish artist has yet selected this meeting asa subject. The Con- 
tinental Irish returned under Owen Roe O’Neill, Tyrone’s nephew, the heroic 
defender of Arras against Marshal Meilleraye, and under Preston, a nephew of 
Lord Gormanston. Many cruel deeds were done on both sides but the so-called 
massacre of 1641 has died with the reputation of Froude. Modern historians have 
disposed of that gigantic if hoary and decrepid lie. The struggle became exclu- 
sively one for religious liberty with complications produced by the conflicting 
claims of king and country. ‘‘ One could pity this poor Irish people,” says Car- 
lyle, who had at least acquired some small glimmering of the story from inter 
course with his friend Gavan Duffy : ‘ their case is pitiableenough. The claim 
they started with, in 1641, was for religious freedom. Their claim we can now 
all see was good, essentially just, though full of intricacy ; difficult to render clear 
and concessable.’’ This is not the place to enter into it with any detail. I can 
only say that Irish discontent was again beaten to the ropes, made treaties and 
conventions as worthless as ropes of sand, but was allowed and encouraged to 
sail away oversea to fight there far off, and again the land had peace. 
All over the broad land the broken armies and garrisons are marching into 
exile. There is a glint of steel as the sun struggles with the mist. The gui- 
dons of white and green flutter in the sharp bogland breeze and the nostrils 
are stung for the last time by the burning match. We hear the hoarse orders 
in the Gaelic : “ Close up your files.”’ “‘ Comport your pikes.”’ “‘ Fear-brataighe, 
Advance the standard!” We see the giant pipers in swinging saffron stride 
before the ragged columns and the swift sound of thousands of buskined feet 
blends with the fierce notes of O’Neill’s, O’Donnell’s, O’Dwyer’s, O’Reilly’s 
or O’Farrell’s March or with the softer tones of the airs we know as “ Shule 
Aroon,” “ Lochaber no More, ” or “‘ Shane O’Dwyer a Gleanna, ” 
